2006-04-08T03:05:00.000-07:00

Proceedings of the Seminar (2004)
On
Outlines of Indian Arts: Peaks of Creativity

Coordinator and Editor
R. N. Misra

Indian Institute of Advanced Study
Rashtrapati Nivas, Shima
2006 Acknowledgements
Our sincere acknowledgements are due to-
-Professor G.C.Pande, the then Chairman of the Academic Committee of the IIAS, for directing us to bring out a volume on India Arts and for holding a seminar on the topic with participation of the eminent scholars— all under the auspices of the IIAS.
-Professor Bhuvan Chandel, the Director of the IIAS, for her unflinching support, encouragement, facilities and grants in order that first, the seminar should transpire and then, its proceedings should be edited and submitted for publication. The proceedings volume would not have been possible without her support.
-the authors who took pains in preparing their respective papers for the seminar, travelled great distances to attend the seminar, and were generous in various ways to make this IIAS project fruitful.
-Professor D.P.Chattopadhaya and the PHSPC for their permission to reproduce R. Nagaswamy’s paper entitled ‘Norms of Excellence: Bronzes of Pallava and Cola Period’, originally published in B. N. Goswamy (ed), (2000) Indian Arts: Form, Concerns and Development, History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization Vol.VI, (3) Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal/PHISPC, pp.159-180 and plates. The volume is one of the several such works published under the General Editorship of Professor D.P.Chattopadhyaya, in this volume.
-Sri Manoj Sharma in the Office of the Chairman, IIAS who tirelessly arranged the seminar at Bhopal with great devotion and aplomb.
-Asstt. Publication Officer of the IIAS and his section for their advice and secretarial help.
-ARO of the IIAS and the Executive Officer of the Civilization scheme at the IIAS in promptly facilitating financial and administrative arrangements to manage the seminar appropriately.
R.N.Misra
Coordinator of the seminar &
Editor of the Proceedings volume
The Contributors

Professor (Dr.) P.K.Agrawal, Dept of Ancient Indian History, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi-5
Professor (Dr.) (Ms.) Bettina Baumer, Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Rashtrapati Nivas, Shimla, H.P.
Professor Dr (Ms.) Mandakranta Bose, Centre for India and South Asia Research, Institute of Asian Research, 1855 West Mall, C.K.Choi Building, Vancouver, B.C., Canada V6T IZ2.
Professor (Dr.) Indra Nath Choudhuri, Academic Director, Indira Gandhi National Centre for Arts, Janpath, New Delhi.
Dr. (Ms.) Devangana Desai, Vice-President, Asiatic Society of Bombay, Town Hall, Mumbai.
Professor (Dr) M. K. Dhavalikar, Formerly: Director, Deccan College, Pune, “Srivatsa” 33 Navketan Society, Kothrud, Pune- 411 029 (Maharashtra).
Professor Dr. (Ms) Vidula Jayaswal, Dept. of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi. (Uttar Pradesh)
Sri M. C. Joshi, Formerly Director General, Archaeological Survey of India, 145 Venus Apartment, Inder Enclave, Rohtak Road, New Delhi 110041
Professor (Dr.) Deepak Kannal, Dean, Faculty of Fine Arts, Pushpa Baug, M.S.University, Vadodara-390002 (Gujarat)
Professor (Dr.) Masatoshi A. Konishi, Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Rashtrapati Nivas, Shimla (H.P.).
Professor R. Nagaswamy, Tamil Arts Academy, 11,22nd Cross Street, Chennai-600090 (Tamilnadu):
Professor Dr. (Mrs.) Anupa Pande, Dept. of History of Art, National Museum Institute, National Museum, New Delhi.
Professor (Dr.) Shivaji K. Panikkar, Head, Dept of Art History and Aesthetics, Faculty of Fine Arts, Pushpa Baug, M.S. University, Vadodara-390002 (Gujarat)
Dr (Ms.) Anamika Roy, Reader, Dept of Ancient History and Archaeology, University of Allahabad, Allahabad. (Uttar Pradesh).
Dr (Ms) Chandramani Singh, Director, Documentation Centre, Jawahar Kala Kendra, Sawai Mansingh Highway, Jaipur-302015
Dr. Rakesh Tiwari, Director, U.P. Archaeological Organization, Roshanud’ daula Kothi, Qaisar Bagh, Lucknow, (Uttar Pradesh).
Dr. R.D. Trivedi, House No.111, Pocket No.17, Sector 8,Rohini, Delhi-85, House No.111, Pocket No.17, Sector 8,Rohini, Delhi-85
(Ms) Mandira Sharma, C/o National Museum, Janpath, New Delhi
Professor (Dr.) R.C.Sharma, Formerly, Director General, National Museum, Delhi, Jnana Pravah, Varanasi.
Professor (Dr.) V.H.Sonwane, Dept of Archaeology, M.S.University, Vadodara 390 002.
Professor Dr (Ms.) Nilima Vashistha, Fellow, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Rashtrapati Nivas, Shimla, H.P.
Consolidated List of Illustrations
(With Credits)

(Illustrations are listed below according to their sequence in the individual papers of the respective authors who are all mentioned in the Contents from 01 to 23. These Illustration occur— in the order of their citations— at the end of those respective papers, except that the Text Figures may be seen inserted into the texts of the respective papers wherever they are intended)

01 V.H.Sonwane: Indian Proto-Historic phase: Town planning-Sculpture-Seals

Figure-1: The site plan of Harappa (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-2 The site plan of Mohenjodaro (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-3: The site plan of Kalibangan (courtesy ASI)
Figure-4: The site plan of Lothal (courtesy ASI)
Figure-5: The site plan of Surkotada (courtesy ASI)
Figure-6: The site plan of Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-7: The site plan of Banawali (courtesy ASI)
Figure-8: Members of Central pillar in the eastern gate at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-9: Western chamber of the northern gate at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-10: Covered rainwater stone drain at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-11: Backed brick well at Lothal (courtesy ASI)
Figure-12: Stone well showing rope marks at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-13: Water tank at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-14: Dockyard at Lothal with a spillway (courtesy ASI)
Figure-15: Water reservoirs at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-16: Steatite sculpture of “Priest King” from Mohenjodaro (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-17: Stone sculpture of male torso from Harappa
Figure-18: Stone sculpture of male dancer from Harappa
Figure-19: Bronze statue of “Dancing Girl” from Mohenjodaro
Figure-20: Seated stone male figure from Mohenjodaro (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-21: Bronze Chariot from Daimabad
Figure-22: Typical steatite inscribed Harappan seal depicting unicorn (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-23: Typical steatite inscribed Harappan seal depicting Brahmani bull (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-24: Steatite Harappan seal with socket from Bagasra.

02 Vidula Jayaswal: Techno-Artistic Re-appraisal of Mauryan Pillars

Figure-1: View of the inscribed portion of the shaft of the Asokan column during exacavation.
Figure-2: View of the base of the inscribed pillar, Sarnath.
Figure-3: Lion capital with damages, Sarnath.
Figure-4: Close view of the manes of the lion.
Figure-5: View of blocks lying in the area of erection, at the western side of the temple, Sarnath.
Figure-6: View of quarried blocks at Chunar.
Figure-7: Ancient quarry with inscribed blocks of Mauryan period, Chunar hill.
Figure-8: Map of ancient quarry areas of Chunar and sites of Varanasi.
Figure-9: Mauryan pillar, Vaisali.
Figure10: Lower portion of the shaft at Lauriya-Nandangarh.
Figure11: Close up view of the inscribed shaft of Asokan pillar, Sarnath.
Figure-12: Close up view of the portrait of bull on the abacus.

03: Anamika Roy: Amaravati
Figure-1: Ayaka Pillars and Yupa Yasti
Figure-2: Yupa Yasti
Figure-3: Triratna
Figure-4: Triratna
Figure-5: Purnaghata
Figure-6: Symbols of the Buddha
Figure-7: Ayaka Pillars with Shyani Buddha Figures
Figure-8: Caitya Pillar
Figure-9: Buddha Pada
Figure-10: Umbrella at Stupa top

04: M.K. Dhavalikar: Karle Chaitya: the Grandest Gift of Bhutapala
Figure-1: Map of the rock cut caves of western India
Figure-2: Section in perspective of the Chaitya hall at Karle

09: Devangana Desai: Khajuraho Masterworks – Images and Imageries

Text Figure-1: Placement of images on the sanctum wall, Laksmana temple, Khajuraho (Courtesy, Franco-Indian Research, Mumbai)
Text Figure- 2:Plan of the Kandariya Mahadeva temple, Khajuraho (after ASI) (Courtesy, Franco-Indian Research, Mumbai)
Text Figure-3: Placement of divinities in the vedibandha niches, Laksmana temple.
Figure-1: Laksmana (Vaikuntha) temple, Khajuraho (photograph courtesy AIIS)
Figure-2: The Jaina Tirthankara Adinatha, seated in meditation, now in the ASI Museum, Khajuraho (photograph courtesy AIIS)
Figure-3: Caturbhuja image, Khajuraho (photograph courtesy AIIS)
Figure-4: Yajna-Varaha, Khajuraho (photograph by C. Kothari)
Figure-5: An intimate couple, Devi Jagadamba temple, Khajuraho (photograph by Devangana Desai)
Figure-6: Apsara wearing foot-ornament, Parshvanatha temple, Khajuraho (photograph by Devangana Desai
Figure-7: Kandariya Mahadeva temple, view from south-west (photograph courtesy AIIS)

10: Bettina Bäumer: Konarka: Chariot of the Sun-God

Figure-1: suryayantra, from Surya Tantra (Alice Boner 1972: 212).
Figure-2: Ground plan with suryayantra inset.
Figure-3: Details of wheel (Photo credit: David Peters)
Figure-4: Konarka temple: General view from the East of Natamandira and Mukhasala (Photo credit: David Peters)
Figure-5: General vie of the Natamandira and Mukhasala (Photo credit: David Peters)
Figure-6: Konarka temple: Aerial view ((Photo credit: Morihiro Oki)
Figure-7: View of Mukhasala through Natamandira (Photo credit: David Peters)
Figure-8: Solar chariot: wheel with horses (Photo credit: David Peters)
Figure-9: Pidha roof of Mukhasala with crowning amalaka (Photo credit: M. Oki)
Figure-10: Musicians on Mukhasala (Photo credit: David Peters)
Figure-11: Martanda-Bhairava dancing on boat,roof of Mukhasala (Photo credit: M. Oki)
Figure-12: Musician on roof of Mukhasala; playing Kahala (Photo credit:M. Oki)
Figure-13: Cymbal player (Photo credit: M. Oki).
Figure-14: Surya as Pusana (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-15: Pusan:details of rnamentation (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-16: At the feet of Mitra in southern Nisa shrine: Raja (left) Rajaguru (right), Aruna with horses (Photo credit: M. Oki).
Figure-17: Naga-mithuna (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-18: Mithuna couples below the eastern staircase (Photo credit: M. Oki).
Figure-19: Mithuna on the eastern wall of Mukhasala (Photo credit: M. Oki).
Figure-20: Wheel on the south side (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-21: Natamandira (Photo credit: David Peters).Figure-22: Dance Master and Matrmurti on Natamandira (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-23: Drummer on the Natamandira (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-24: Musicians on Natamandira (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-25: Virala on wall of Natamandira (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-26: Ascetic writing with stylus, Natamandira (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-27: Gajakranta Simha, now in the eastern front of Natamandira (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-28: Maghasukla Saptami; pilgrims waiting for the sunrise (Photo credit: David Peters).
Figure-29: Priest performing puja to Surya on the sea shore (Photo credit: David Peters).

11:Dr. R. Nagaswamy Gems of Chola Architecture
Figure-1: Darasuram
Figure-2: Gangaikonda Cholapuram
Figure-3: Gangaikonda Cholapuram

12: R.D. Trivedi: Remains of Temple and sculptures of Kashmir
Figure-1: Sun temple, Martand (courtesy ASI)
Figure-2: Sun Temple, Martand: view of the colonnade (courtesy ASI)
Figure-3: Royal couple, Avantisvami temple, Avantipur: panel on the left side of flank wall (courtesy ASI)
Figure-4: Caturmurti of Visnu, Avantisvami temple, Avantipur (courtesy ASI)
Figure-5: Bhairava; Pandrethan (courtesy ASI)
Figure-6: Vaisnavi from Pandrethan, now in the Kashmir Museum (courtesy ASI)
Figure-7: Siva temple, Pandrethan, Srinagar (courtesy ASI)
Figure-8: Ceiling, Siva temple, Pandrethan (courtesy ASI)
Figure-9: Siva temple, Payar, Kashmir (courtesy ASI)
Figure-10: Sankaracarya temple, Srinagar (courtesy ASI).

14: Mandira Sharma: The Buddhist Cave-Paintings of Ajanta and Bagh

Text Figure-1: Plan of Ajanta caves (After Roy C. Craven, 1976 A Concise History of Indian Art (New York: Praeger Publishers).
Text Figure-2: King Mahajanaka, Queen Sivali and the dancing girls. Mahajanaka Jataka, Cave 1, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967 Ajanta Murals (New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India,).
Text Figure-3: The ceremonial bath of King Mahajanaka. Mahajanaka Jataka (?), Cave 1, Ajanta.( After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967)
Text Figure-4: A Persian chief, his wife and attendants’. Ceiling panel, Cave 1, Ajanta.(After Anupa Pande, 2002: The Buddhist Cave Paintings of Bagh (New Delhi: Aryan Books International)
Text Figure-5 Chaddanta Jataka, Cave 10, Ajanta.(After Dieter Schlingloff, 1999 Guide to Ajanta Paintings, Vol. 1 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.,).
Text Figure-6: Chaddanta Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta.(After Dieter Schlingloff, 1999 Guide to Ajanta Paintings, Vol. 1 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.,).
Text Figure-7: Visvantara Jataka (?), Cave 17, Ajanta.( After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967)
Text Figure-8: Vidhurapandita Jataka, Cave 2, Ajanta.( After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967)
Text Figure-9: Vidhurapandita Jataka, Cave 2, Ajanta.( After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967)
Text Figure-10: Campeyya Jataka, Cave 1, Ajanta. (After Anupa Pande, 2002: The Buddhist Cave Paintings of Bagh (New Delhi: Aryan Books International)
Black and White Photographs
Figure (B&W)-1: Preaching Buddha in Shrine: Cave I: Ajanta (After David Snellgrove, 1978 The Image of Buddha (New Delhi, Bombay, Bangalore, Calcutta, Kanpur / UNESCO: Vikas Publishing House).
Figure (B&W)-2: Façade of Cave 19, Ajanta (After A.K. Coomaraswamy, A History of Indian and Indonesian Art (New York: Dover Publications, 1965)
Figure (B&W)-3: Buddha flanked by two attendant Bodhisattvas, Cave 2, Bagh (After Anupa Pande, The Buddhist Cave Paintings of Bagh, New Delhi: Aryan Books International, 2002).
Figure (B&W)-4: Stupa in Cave 4, Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, 2002 The Buddhist Cave Paintings of Bagh, New Delhi: Aryan Books International, 2002).
The polychrome illustrations:
Figure-1: King Mahajanaka and Queen Sivali. Mahajanaka Jataka, Cave 1, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967 Ajanta Murals (New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India).
Figure-2: A show of dance and music has been arranged by Sivali in her attempt to keep Mahajanaka tied to worldly life. Mahajanaka Jataka, Cave 1, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-3:Mahajanaka being given a ceremonial bath before coronation. Mahajanaka Jataka (?), Cave 1, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-4: Details of the scene of Mahajanaka’s ceremonial bath before coronation. Mahajanaka Jataka (?), Cave 1, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-5: Irandati on swing. Vidhurapandita Jataka, Cave 2, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-6: Jujaka getting a ransom for the children. Visvantara Jataka, Cave 17, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-7: Bodhisattva Padmapani, Cave 1, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-8: Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, Cave 1, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-9: Ceiling-decoration (in frets), Cave 17, Ajanta. (After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-10: Ceiling-decoration (in concentric circles), Cave 2, Ajanta .(After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-11: A couple of Kinnaras playing musical instruments, Cave 1, Ajanta.(After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-12: Bull amongst flowers (ceiling-decoration), Cave 1, Ajanta .(After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-13: Dwarf amongst flowers (ceiling-decoration), Cave 1, Ajanta .(After A. Ghosh, ed., 1967).
Figure-14: Sakyamuni preaching on the Vulture Peak, Cave 17, 8th century, Dun-Huang (China). (After Robert E. Fisher, Buddhist Art and Architecture (London: Thames and Hudson, 1993).
Figure-15: Buddha preaching the Law, Cave 17, early 8th century, Dun-Huang (China). (After David Snellgrove, 1978).
Figure-16: Paradise of Amida Buddha, 8th century, Golden-Hall, Horyu-ji, Nara (Japan) (After Seiichi Mizuno 1974: Asuka Buddhist Art: Horyu-ji, trans. Richard L. Gage (New York, Tokyo: Weatherhill/Heibonsha).
Figure-17: Apsaras and attendant, end of 5th century, Sigiriya (Sri Lanka). (After Mario Bussagli and Calembus Sivaramamurti, 5000 Years of the Art of India, New York: Harry N. Abrams; Bombay: Tulsi Shah Enterprises.
Figure-18: Weeping Sundari (left) and Sermon in the Grove (right), Cave 4, Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, The Buddhist Cave Paintings of Bagh (New Delhi: Aryan Books International, 2002).
Figure-19: Flight to Paradise and Kinnaris on Mt. Himavanta, Cave 4, Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, 2002).Figure-20: Nanda and the Celestial Damsels, Cave 4, Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, 2002).
Figure-21: The Cavalcade of Horses: Conversion of the Sakya nobles, Cave 4, Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, 2002).
Figure-22a: The Elephant Procession: Conversion of the Sakya Prince Nanda who heads the procession, Cave 4, Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, 2002).
Figure-22b:The Elephant Procession: Conversion of Nanda’s wife Sundari and other inmates of the harem, Cave 4, Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, 2002).
Figure-23: Bodhisattva figure with oval nimbus and floral tiara, Cave 4, Bagh(After Anupa Pande, 2002)
Figure-24: Lute Player, Cave 4,Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, 2002).
Figure-25: Floral arabesque, Cave 4, Bagh. (After Anupa Pande, 2002).
15: Neelima Vashishtha: Early Medieval India: Declining Painterly Tradition
Figure-1: Part of the story of the Mahajanak Jataka. Here, also exaggeration in jewellery, use of black colour and protruding eye are visible. Cave No. 1, Courtesy, A Ghosh, (1967) Ajanta Murals, New Delhi: Archaeological Survey of India.
Figure-2: Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, overwhelmingly bejewelled diadem. Cave No. 1. Courtesy, A Ghosh, (1967)
Figure-3: Photographs of part of the ceiling, Western Porch, Kailasa Temple, Ellora. Black and white, Courtesy, Stella Kramrisch, 1983, A Survey of Painting in Deccan, (Reprint) Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, pl. V.
Figure-4: Photographs of part of the ceiling, Western Porch, Kailasa Temple, Ellora. 03 Black and white, Courtesy, Stella Kramrisch, 1983, pl. VI.
Figure-5: Photographs of part of the ceiling, Western Porch, Kailasa Temple, Ellora. Courtesy, Stella Kramrisch, 1983, pl. VI.
Figure-6: Visnu on Garuda, Details of the ceiling of Western Porch, Kailasa Temple, Ellora. Copy by D.V. Thomson Jr., Rupam.
Figure-7: Details of the ceiling of Western Porch, Kailasa Temple, Ellora. Copy by Professor Shaikh Ramzan, Courtesy, Ranade, P.V., (1980), Ellora Paintings, Aurangabad: Parimal Prakashan.
Figure-8: Part of ceiling, Western Porch, Kailasa Temple Ellora, representing a Devapurusa on Sardula amidst clouds and Gandharva couples. Courtesy, Ranade, 1980.
Figure-9: Part of the spandrel of the inner squire, Western Porch, Kailasa Temple Ellora, representing elephants sporting in the lotus pond. Courtesy, C. Sivaramamurti, (1968), South Indian Paintings, New Delhi: National Museum
Figures-10-13: Battle scenes painted on the beams of the ceiling of the Western Porch. Kailasa Temple, Ellora. Courtesy, Ranade, 1980.
Figure-14: Painting of Tirthankara Parsvanatha, Indra Sabha, Ellora. Courtesy, Ranade,1980
.Figure-15: Two pairs of gandharva couples with a comicdwarf figure, Indra Sabha, Ellora. Courtesy Barrett and Gray, (1963) Painting in India, Ohio Albert Skira, World Publishing Company..
Figure-16: Flight in the sky, gandharva and two apsaras, Indra Sabha, Ellora; Courtesy, Ranade,1980.
Figure-17: Drummer with apsaras, Indra Sabha, Ellora; Courtesy, Ranade, 1980.

16: Chandramani Singh: Rajasthani Painting : Origin and Development
Figure-1: A folio from Narpali Jayacarya, Figure-4: a text on astronomy, written at Gwalior in 1592 VS. (AD. 1535). Collection: R.C.Sharma ‘Vyakul’, Jaipur.
Figure-1a: ‘The victory at Pragjyotispura’, a folio from the Bhagavata Purana , early 16th century, popularly known as ‘Caurapancasika style’.
Figure-2: Ragini Khambhaati, late 16th century; Amber: Collection M.S. Mansingh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur.
Figure-3: Ragini Khambhaati, late 16th century; Amber: Collection: M.S. Mansingh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur.
Figure-4: ‘Month of Margasirsa’, a folio from Barahmasa, ‘twelve month’, series portraying Krsna and radha with a gopi on the bank of the Jamuna; late 16th century; Collection: M.S. Mansingh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur.
Figure-5: Krsna kills Kamsa, a folio from Dasavatara- ‘ten incarnation’, series; late 16th century,Amber. Collection: M.S. Mansingh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur.
Figure-6: A folio based on a Ragamala text, painted in a style known as ‘Popular Mughal’; early 17th century: Agra-Delhi region. Collection: M.S. Mansingh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur.
Figure-7: Frontispiece of Krsna Rukmini ri veli, from a copy prepared for Mirza raja Jai Singh (1621-68); first quarter of the 17th century, Amber. Collection: M.S. Mansingh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur.
Figure-8: A folio from Krsna Rukmini ri veli; first quarter of the 17th century; painted in a style similar to to the ragamala painted at Ghanerao (Pali), dated 1623 AD. Collection: M.S. Mansingh II Museum, City Palace, Jaipur.
Figure-9: Rama and Sita enthroned- an illustration based on Dasavatara of Visnu; Bikaner style, ca. 1650. Collection: a private collection, London.

17: M.C. Joshi: A Brief Survey of the Mughal Architecture

Text Figure-1: Plan of Babur’s mosque: Panipat (Haryana). After Catherine B.Asher (1992) Architecture of Mughal India, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Text Figure-2: Plan of Humayun’s tomb (New Delhi). After Catherine B.Asher (1992).
Text Figure-3: Detailed plan of the Taj Complex (not based on scale). After Hugh Mabbet (1989) In the Praise of Taj Mahal, Wellington, (New Zealand).
Text Figure-4: Plan of Red Fort, Delhi. After Y.D.Sharma, Delhi and its Neighbourhood, A.S.I.
Figure-1: Purana Qila (New Delhi): Main Gate.
Figure-2: Sher mandal: Purana Qila (New Delhi)
Figure-3: Qila-i-Kunha mosque: Purana Qila: New Delhi.
Figure-4: Jahangiri Mahal: Agra fort: view of the front (east).
Figure-5: Diwan-i-Khas: Fatehpur Sikri.
Figure-6: Birbal’shouse: Fatehpur Sikri.
Figure-7: Pancha Mahal: Fatehpur Sikri.
Figure-8: Buland Darwaza: Fatehpur Sikri.
Figure-9: Akbar’s tomb: Sikandara: Agra.
Figure-10: Main entrance to Akbar’s tomb: Sikandara: Agra.
Figure-11: Tomb of Itmadu ‘d-Daula: Agra.
Figure-12: The Taj mahal: Agra.
Figure-13: Khas mahal: Agra Fort.
Figure-14: Red Fort (Qila-I-Mubarak): Delhi.
Figure-15: ‘Scales of Justice’: Red Fort: Delhi.
Figure-16: Interiors of Musamman Burz: Agra Fort.
Figure-17: Peitra dura decorations: Diwan-i-Khas: Red Fort: Delhi.
Figure-18: Jami Masjid: Delhi.
Figure-19: Moti Masjid: Red Fort: Delhi.
Figure-20: Tomb of Safdarjung: New Delhi.

18: Shivaji K Panikkar: The Identity of Painting in Modern India

Figure-1: Raja Ravi Varma: ‘Hamsa-Damayanti’: Oil on canvas, 1899. Collection Sri Chitra Art Gallery, Thiruvananthpuram: Kerala.
Figure-2: Abanindranath Tagore: ‘Ritu Samhar’: Gouache on paper: ca. 1895. Collection: Indian Museum, Kolkata: West Bengal.
Figure-3: Gaganendranath Tagore: ‘Swarnapuri Dwaraka’, Water Colour, 1925. Collection: Rabindrabharati Society, Kolkata, West Bengal.
Figure-4: Jamini Roy: ‘Three Women’: Tempera, ca. 1940s. Collection: Humayun Kabir.
Figure-5: Rabindranath Tagore: ‘Landscape’: Coloured Ink: ca.1939.
Figure-6: Binodebehari Mukherjee: ‘The Tree Lover’, Tempera, 1932. Collection: National Gallery of Modern Art, New Delhi.
Figure-7: Ramkinkar Baij: ‘Threshing’: Oil, ca. 1957. Collection: National Gallery of Modern Art, New Delhi.
Figure-8: Amrita Shergill: ‘The Swing’: Oil on canvas, February 1940. Collection: National Gallery of Modern Art, New Delhi.
Figure-9: Somnath Hore: ‘Mother and Child’: Lithograph, 1958.
Figure- 10: Zainul Abedin: ‘Family Sketch’: Brush and Ink on paper, 1943.
Figure-11: K.C.S. Paniker: ‘Village Game’: Oil on canvas: 1973.
Figure-12: G.R.Santosh: Untitled: Oil on canvas, 1985. Collection: National Gallery of Modern Art, New Delhi.
Figure-13: Gulammohammed Sheikh: ‘About Waiting and Wandering’: Oil on canvas: 1981
Figure-14: Nilima Sheikh: ‘Sohini’: Casine tempera on canvas, 1996.
Figure-15: Bikash Bhattacharjee: ‘Two Sisters’ No.2: Oil on canvas, 1982.
Figure-16: Nalini Malani: ‘Quirky Thoughts’: Water colour and transfer print on papier d’ Arches: 1995.
Figure-17: Bhupen Khakhar: ‘Portrait of Sri Shankarbhai Patel near Red Fort’: Oil on canvas, 1971.
Figure-18: Ramkumar: ‘Vagabond’: Oil on canvas, 1956.
Figure-19: K.G. Subramanyam: ‘Durga and Mahishasura’ (detail): Lamp black in polymer binder over distempered white wall: 1990-93: North Wall, Design Department Building, Kala Bhavan, Santiniketan, West Bengal.
Figure-20: Jogen Chowdhury: ‘Ganesha’: Ink and pastel: 1978.

19: Mandakranta Bose: Poetry in Motion: The Classical Dances of India
Figure-1: Dance pose from Sarngapani temple. Photo credit: Alan Life.
(Oki and Konishi 2001).
1. Figure-2: Madhumanti Sengupta in Odissi pose. Photo Credits: Avinash Pasricha.
22: Masatoshi A. Konishi: Tradition and Transformations of Lok-Citra
Figure-1:Painting ālpanā with rice paste. West Bengal (Oki and Konishi 2001).
Figure-2: Kolam drawn in one line and dots. Tamilnadu (Oki and Konishi 2001).
Figure-3: Kohvar painting for the newlyweds. Bihar (Oki and Konishi 2001).
Figure-4:Krsna and Rādhā by Gangā Devī. Collection: Mithila Museum, Niigata, Japan.
Figure-5:Wārlī painting in a nuptial chamber. Maharashtra (Oki and Konishi 2001).
Figure-6:Wārlī painting on paper by Jivyā Somā. Collection: M. Oki.
Contents
Foreword
Director’s Remarks
Acknowledgements
List of Participants
Preface
Consolidated List of Illustrations (with Credits)
Section A: Arts in Making
Chapters: -1. Indian Proto-Historic phase: Town planning-Sculpture-Seals
V.H. Sonawane
-2. Techno-artistic Re-appraisal of Mauryan Pillars
Vidula Jayaswal
Section B: Beginnings and Efflorescence of the Classical Idiom:
-3. Amaravati: The Unseen Passages
Anamika Roy
-4. Karle Chaitya: the Grandest Gift of Bhutapala
M.K. Dhavalikar
-5. Gupta Sculpture with Special Reference to Sarnath
P.K.Agrawal
-6. Classical Iconography
R. C. Sharma
Section C: Fruition of Regional Inflexions
-7. Chola Bronzes
R. Nagaswamy
-8. The Marvels of Ellora
Deepak H. Kannal
-9. Khajuraho Masterworks – Images and Imageries
Devangana Desai
-10. Konarka: Chariot of the Sun-God
Bettina Bäumer
-11. Gems of Chola Architecture
R. Nagaswamy
-12. Remains of Temples and Sculptures of Kashmir
R.D. Trivedi
-13. Masterpieces of Uttaranchal temple and sculpture Rakesh Tewari
Section D: Visions in Multiple Hues:
-14. The Buddhist Cave-Paintings Of Ajanta and Bagh
Mandira Sharma
-15. Early Medieval India: Declining Painterly Tradition
Neelima Vashishtha
-16. Rajasthani Painting : Origin and Development
Chandramani Singh
Section E: Architectural and Painterly Tradition in Modifications
-17. A Brief Survey of the Mughal Architecture
M.C. Joshi,
-18. The Identity of Painting in Modern India
Shivaji K Panikkar
Section F: Exalted spaces of Beauty, Skill and Taste
-19. Poetry in Motion: The Classical Dances of India
Mandakranta Bose
-20. Classical Indian Dramatic Tradition
Indra Nath Choudhuri
-21. The Ancient Indian Dramatic Tradition
Anupa Pande
-22. Tradition and Transformations of Lok-Citra
Masatoshi A. Konishi
-23. Traditional Indian Theatre Practices (A comparison with
Japanese Kabuki theatre)
Indra Nath Choudhuri

-----------------

1
Indian Proto-Historic phase: Town planning-Sculpture-Seals
V.H. Sonawane
Department of Archaeology and Ancient History
The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda,
Vadodara-390 002
Overview:
Proto-historic period of Indian History is adequately known because of incessant efforts of several scholars in order to bridge the gulf between the pre-historic and historic cultures. The mosaic of varied Chalcolithic and subsequent early Iron-age cultures belonging to the Proto-historic phase occupied different parts of the Indian subcontinent from second half of the fourth to first half of the first millennium B.C. witnessed cultural continuity in time and space. However, the glamour of Harappa culture led to the neglect of less prosperous later cultures that immediately followed the Harappans.
Recent studies have shown that number of settlements representing Chalcolithic village farming and pastoral communities found in Baluchistan, Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan and Gujarat formed a stable base for the emergence of Harappan urbanism, refuting the Mesopotamian inspiration for the origin of the Harappan civilization. It is one of the world’s four earliest civilizations, the other three being Egyptian, Mesopotamian and Chinese. Uptill now more than 1500 sites have been reported spreading over more than a million sq. km. an area twice the size of ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia, occupying the regions of what are now Pakistan and north-western India, almost for the 700 years from 2600 to 1900 B.C. Indus valley, like Mesopotamia, by and large, is devoid of basic raw material to meet some of their needs on its own. However, the Harappans could evolve a magnificent civilization mainly because of their expansionist nature towards resource areas situated far apart by their ability to mobilise economic potentials, as the Mesopotamians did by exploiting rich mineral resources of nearby hilly regions of Iran and Anatolia. The discovery of Harappan settlement at Shortugai in Badakashan province of northern Afghanistan for lapis lazuli (Francfort 1984), Balakot on the Somani bay in Pakistan for marine gastropods (Dales and Kenoyer 1977), Cholistan region in Bahawalpur District of Pakistan for copper (Mughal 1980), Limestone hills at Sukkur Rohri in upper Sindh region of Pakistan for flint/chert (Allchin and Allchin 1982: 196-97) and Manda in Jammu and Kashmir for Timber (Thapar 1985: 52) are some of the explicit indicators of their hunt for procuring desired raw material. The penetration of Harappans further south into Gujarat demonstrates a similar enterprising character for exploiting rich deposits of semi-precious stones and marine gastropods (Sonawane 1992). Therefore, one of the important aspects of this Civilization is its apparent mobility and proliferation over a large area consisting of a number of ecozones with diverse environmental variables and economic incentives. The enterprising Harappans thus demonstrated their skill in selecting suitable environmental niches during their multidirectional expansion. These factors and accessibility to natural resources were largely responsible for the growth, expansion and long survival of the Harappa culture. The spread of this civilization was therefore governed by areas of attraction, depending upon the availability of resources and geographical factors conducive to their cultural dynamics. These factors partly explain not only the regional diversities in the manifestation of the Harappa culture but also the innate capacity of the Harappans to mobilize different subsistence systems by integrating them into their economic structure (Sonawane 1999: 1).
Harappan civilization achieved a high degree of sophistication and formalism, yet was imbued with simplicity and utilitarianism. In terms of settlement planning, monumental buildings, impressive architecture, stamp seals, the script, weights and measures, ceramics, jewellery, implements etc. is notable among the contemporary cultures. Moreover, it is also unique for its phenomenal growth and prosperity, close cultural uniformity, mass production of crafts, complex trade mechanism, maritime trade and intercultural contacts, besides a long life and vast territory. Its elaborate trade mechanism controlled the process of procurement of raw materials, converting them into finished products and transporting them over long distances by both sea and land routes to domestic as well as international markets. All these reflects on a system which induced for surplus food production and controlled its efficient distribution to promote and sustain specialized activities by different classes of artisans and craftsmen as well as by well organized trading community. The Harappans had brisk trade relations with Mesopotamia, parts of Iran, Central Asia, Oman, Bahrain Island and Failaka. Mercantile base for its rapid growth and expansion is envisaged through the vast archaeological data. The people of this civilization did not build towering monuments, bury their riches along with their dead or fight legendry and bloody battles and yet could evolve a highly organised and stupendously sophisticated first Urban Civilization of South Asia. The Harappans thus made a spectacular civilization, which must have dazzled the contemporary world with whom they came in contact. Surprisingly still we do not know precisely what was the nature of governing authority as visionary rulers or architects behind the creation of such a fabulous civilization. However, possibility of wealthy merchants, powerful landlords or spiritual leaders cannot be ruled out considering the evidence.
However, the beginning of the second millennium B.C. witnessed gradual decline of this prosperous civilization and the Harappans could never retrieve their lost glory. This Post-Urban phase is the result of the breakdown of the urban fabric and therefore represents a stage of readjustment by an urban system to a rural setting without losing its basic ethos. Similarly, the subsequent emergence of Post-Harappan indigenous regional Chalcolithic cultures found in parts of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Ganga Yamuna Doab and later Early Iron Age culture associated with the Painted Grey ware, Black and Red ware and Megalithic culture remained in shadows and stand no where in their material culture compared to the Harappans. These later proto historic cultures are regarded as poor reminders of the advanced Harappans.
Town Planning:
The emergence of towns and cities is an urban phenomenon and hence the first towns and cities were associated with the first urbanisation, which took place in the fertile valleys of the river Indus, Saraswati and their several tributaries and even in far of regions dominated by the Harappan civilization. However, these towns and cities grew out of earlier villages that had existed in the same locality during the Pre/Early Harappan period. Some of these rural Harappan settlements such as Harappa, Dholavira, Rakhigarhi, Kalibangan, Banawali, Rehman Dheri, Nausharo, Kot Diji, and several others because of their ideal locational set up were on the threshold of urbanization even before 2600 B.C. Beginning with a relatively small population, they grew in size and density to become a larger settlements of the region along the major trade routes. Population growth, strong agriculture base, developed trade and growth of specialized skilled craftsmen favoured the growth of towns and cities encompassing the entire range of the Harappan domain. These towns and cities amply fulfilled many of the criteria’s suggested by the Gordon Childe while defining urbanization (Childe 1950).
Before going into the details of Harappan town planning it is pertinent to know the nature of its settlements. More than 1500 known sites covering the Harappan realm have been classified into three categories: (1) Villages or hamlets occupying an area sometimes even less than one and maximum upto ten hectares. (2) Towns between ten to fifty hectares and (3) Cities extending in an area of more than fifty hectares. Of these, villages or hamlets are represented by maximum number of sites while metropolitan cities are just five and quite a good number of towns. Their ratio is somewhat similar to the distribution pattern of the villages, towns and city, like the formation of modern districts within a provincial state. In the vast corpus of Harappan settlements five large cities have been identified as the major urban centres or metropolis. Among these, Mohenjodaro has a spread covering an area of more than 200 hectares, Harappa occupied more than 150 hectares while Ganweriwala and Rakhigarhi are almost equal dimensions each occupying more than 80 hectares and Dholavira nearly 100 hectares. The first four are inland centres located far apart from each other approximately 400 km in a zigzag pattern that covers the Indus and Saraswati river plain. The fifth, Dholavira, is situated on a small island called Khadir in the Greater Rann of Kutch in Gujarat connecting Lothal situated further south east on one side and Balakot further north west on the other, located approximately 300 km away on the either side (Kenoyer 1998: 49, Jansen 2002: 111-112). For proper understanding of the Harappan town planning quite a good deal of archaeological data is available now through extensive excavations carried out at key sites in Pakistan such as Harappa and Mohenjodaro and in India at Banawali and Rakhigarhi in Haryana, Kalibangan in Rajasthan, Lothal, Surkotada and Dholavira in Gujarat, located in diverse environmental and geographical setting. As a result, we do find slight variations in planning of the Harappan settlements, within the known Harappan norms.

Layout of the Settlements:
A most noteworthy feature of the Harappan Civilization is its remarkable town planning unheard of elsewhere during the second half of the third millennium B.C. with a probable margin on either side. The basic layout of the settlements, whether cities or towns, consists of the citadel and the lower town except Dholavira which has a middle town besides that of citadel and lower town. The earlier concept of twin mounds, higher ones located on the west acted as the citadels and the lower towns occupying relatively less elevated area situated towards the east, is applicable only for the settlements at Harappa (Fig-1), Mohenjodaro (Fig-2) and Kalibangan (Fig-3) and hence does not represent a uniform pattern of the Harappan town planning. The evidence from Lothal (Fig-4), Surkotada (Fig-5), Dholavira (Fig-6) and Banawali (Fig-7) has shown a different settlement pattern. Precise plan of the settlement at Rakhigarhi is yet to be known in the absence of large-scale horizontal excavations covering the entire site.
Most of the Harappan cities and towns are composed of a series of walled mounds or sectors oriented in different directions. Harappa and Mohenjodaro both have rectangular mound on the west and extensive mounds to the north, south and east. The settlement at Kalibangan has confined to the two separate mounds with the citadel on the west, represented by a smaller mound and the lower city towards the east, marked by a fairly extensive mound. The former was situated over the remains of the preceding occupation to gain an eminence over the lower town, which was laid out on the natural plain towards the east, leaving a gap over 40 m. between the two. Harappa and Kalibangan have a remarkable similarity in layout. The citadels of both the places have fortifications, parallelogram on plan. Mohenjodaro also appears to have a similar layout, though flood erosions have obscured the evidence. The lower city, spread out in different mounds at Harappa as well as Mohenjodaro also appears to have separately fortified. However, there are clear indications of fortification, parallelogram in shape for the lower town at Kalibangan. In contrast, Lothal and Surkotada follow a different idiom. Here, a common periphery wall encloses both the citadel and the lower town. Roughly rectangular settlement of Lothal, with longer axis running north to south was surrounded by a massive brick wall, probably as flood protection, as the site is situated on the low-lying area of Bhogava, a tributary of Sabarmati. There is no wall separating the lower town from the acropolis; the latter is situated on the southeast, a unique location. The layout of Lothal also claims a distinction as it has provided a rectangular brick basin, interpreted as dockyard, attached with a wharf along the eastern side of the settlement. On the other hand, the rectangular fortification at Surkotada is built of mud and mud bricks having stone rubble veneer and has a partition wall separating the citadel from the residential annexe, providing an intercommunicating passage between the two, dividing the settlement into almost two equal squarish halves. The western half retains its identity as the citadel. Of all Dholavira indeed enjoys a pre-eminent position on account of its unique city planning. The city is oriented in the traditional cardinal directions, but the layout of the walls and sectors are quite different from that of other Harappan settlements. The salient components of the full-grown cityscape consisted of a bipartite citadel, middle town and lower town, all of them set within enormous fortification constructed entirely of mud bricks, running on all four sides. The citadel at Dholavira, unlike its counterparts at Harappa, Mohenjodaro and Kalibangan was laid out in the south of the city area. Like Kalibangan and Surkotada it had two conjoined subdivisions, identified as castle and bailey, located on the east and west respectively, on the top of a low hill. Both are fortified. Impregnable defences most zealously guard the former, being the most important unit, while the latter is lower in height and enclosed by comparatively less thick walls. A broad and long ground between the citadel and the middle town has been interpreted as a ceremonial ground. Further north, was located the enwalled middle town and to the east of it was founded lower town. The lower town though did not have its own fortification, was set within the general circumvallation running around the entire city. These three major built-up divisions made together an L-shaped design: the citadel and the middle town forming the shorter line from the south-north and the middle town and the lower town forming the longer stroke along the east-west axis. Besides, to the south of the castle, across the adjoining reservoir, there was raised another built-up area running along the city wall. In contrast, the Harappan town at Banawali stands apart for its unusual town planning which the Harappans accepted in bequest. Belying the accepted norms it had an apsidal citadel within a trapezoidal town, both being separately securely fortified by brick construction following the natural elevation, resulting in an unusual layout. The citadel of course, enjoyed pre-eminently vantage location within the town itself, not located separately as at Harappa, Mohenjodaro, Kalibangan or Dholavira. The situation is somewhat like that of Lothal, where the acropolis occupied a higher podium within the settlement. Here, the citadel has occupied a higher and comparatively much larger south-central area of the town in which former was embraced by the latter from the three sides, i.e., the eastern, the northern and the western. Another innovation of special significance was the provision of a V-shaped moat that runs around the outer-face of the town wall.
Thus the overall layout of the Harappan towns and cities in the form of citadel to accommodate ruling and administrative class or elites and common masses including the traders and artisans in the various sectors of the same settlement. It appears that people lived in watertight compartments like the ghettos of the medieval Europe.
Fortification:
The provision of forts is one of the most important constituent part of the Harappan town planning. Though its concept developed during the Pre/Early Harappan phase, it became more pronounced and standardized during the Mature phase with the emergence of first towns and cities, as a measure to safeguard their settlements. The massive fortification walls were in fact solid structures made of proportionately moulded mud bricks set in mud mortar. Successive courses of brick were laid in a recessed manner. As a result both the faces registered a marked taper, resulting the wall rose from a broader base to a lofty narrow top forming trapezoidal cross section and often indicating the evidence of clay plastering. However, in areas where stones are easily available i.e. at Dholavira and Surkotada, to sustain the strength of susceptible portions, both on inner and outer faces, were provided with stone facing. It seems special care was taken for the constructions of the corners, gates and bastions of the fortifications. One of the fort walls found at Harappa around mound AB, was 14m wide at the base and faced on the exterior with baked bricks. The width of the fort wall of the citadel complex at Kalibangan varies from 9 to 11 m. The basal width of the fort wall of the castle at Dholavira is 11m whereas at Banawali, the basal width of the defences of the citadel ranges from 5.4 to 7m. At Surkotada the fortification wall has a width of 7m in the citadel and 4.25 m in the residential annexe. Lothal, though relatively a small settlement covering an area of twelve hectares was protected against floods by raising a 13m thick wall of mud bricks. It was however, reinforced with baked bricks on the northern side, facing the ancient riverbed. Even some of the smaller settlements like Bagasra display more or less identical layout where square bastions were provided on the corners of the inner face instead of outer ones.
Though most scholars have assumed that the fort walls were constructed for military defence, but the absence of no sudden turns in walls and no moats (except Banawali) to lead enemies into an ambush, would have been ill suited for defence. Therefore, it appears that, they were rather created to control the flow of goods in and out of the city (Kenoyer 1998: 56). Whatever the precise function of the fort walls and gates, they demonstrate the high level of architectural skill of the Harappans.
Gates:
Though we are not sure about the precise number of gates provided in different walled sectors both at Harappa and Mohenjodaro, the evidence from Mound E at Harappa suggests that one of the gates is only 2.8 m wide, just large enough to allow one ox-cart at a time to pass into or out of the city. The top of the gate was probably covered and may have had rooms or lookout posts. The second major gateway of this mound found near the junction at Mound E and ET, is much more complex. The actual gate opening is only 2.6m wide but it has pylons and side rooms. The excavated wall around Mound AB revealed four gates, three on the western face and larger on the northern wall with a ramp leading down to a lower suburb in the north of mound F. Similarly recent studies seem to confirm that like Harappa, each major mound at Mohenjodaro was surrounded by an enormous mud brick walls with gateways at key locations (Kenoyer 1998: 55-56). The fortified citadel complex at Kalibangan consists of two almost equal but separately patterned parts, rhomboid on plan, has revealed four gates, three in the northern half and one in the southern half. In addition, the partition wall, which divides the citadel, has also a gate in the form of stairway between the two centrally located salient, connecting both the units. Three gates of the northern half (occupied by the elites) one each on the eastern, northern and western sides, are simple ones without a ramp, except a brick pavement on the edge of the eastern one, while the southern gate situated between the central salient and the southern corner tower has revealed 2.65 m wide stairway passage. Likewise, two entrances of the fortified lower town were found on the northern and western sides. Of these, the western entrance was controlled by a guardroom (Thapar 1979: 200-201). No towers or gateways were built in the peripheral wall at Lothal. However, the extent of excavated areas has revealed a slanting entrance passage to the acropolis on the southern outer wall further west of the warehouse. The situation at Surkotada is somewhat different. Being a garrison defence outpost, it has elaborate gateway complexes with guardrooms. Here, citadel as well as residential areas were provided with separate entrance, each 1.70 m wide, constructed in the middle between the corner and central bastion of the southern rampart. In addition, a 4m wide passage for intercommunication was provided in a partition wall between citadel and the residential annexe (Joshi 1990: 51-57). Likewise, at Banawali an elaborate gate complex constructed in the thickness of the outer eastern town wall was found where five major streets met with the passage of the gate on a broad piazza. It was flanked by bastions having a moat in front.
Of all the Harappan settlements, Dholavira accounts for the most imposing gateways unparallel to be seen elsewhere. In all 14 gates have been laid bare in different fortified habitational areas. The break up is: Castle 5; Bailey 2; Stadium 4; Middle town 1 and Annex 2. All the five gates of the Castle have distinct designs. Of these, eastern arm has yielded two gates while one in each remaining three walls. The south gate has a concealed passage with an ordinary doorway. The west gate, which afforded intercommunication with the Bailey, has a 9 m long and 2.2 m wide passage with a guardroom. The lowermost step of the sloping passage is in the form of Chandrashila. The east gate (Fig-8), one of the two principal ones, had a large elevated side chamber on the south and a passage way on the north. The passage was connected to a flight of 14 steps at the inner end while it was fitted with a doorsill made of large limestone slabs at the other end. Huge doors must have been provided at both the ends. At either end, on the floor of chamber, was found a set of smooth nicely cut and smoothened limestone blocks of rectangular shape. The topmost block bore two long sockets, one each on two sides, parallel to each other. Each set of the blocks served as the base for a pilaster, made of mud-concrete bricks. In the centre, between the two pilasters, was found another set of limestone blocks supporting a beautifully carved and polished pillar base having a pronounced concave profile. The top flat surface bore in the centre a 5 mm circular hole to support large sized cylindrical pillar. The north gate (Fig-9) was found to be the most majestic, most elaborately designed architectural construction, which commanded over the stadium, middle town, lower town and further beyond the picturesque landscape. In the thickness of the wall, it consisted two elevated chambers flanking a passageway, which in term was furnished at the inner end with a limestone doorsill flanked by a set of limestone blocks each bearing sockets, thereby suggesting the existence of two enormous stone columns, which might have supported the heavy door frame (Bisht 1998-99: 30-31). The discovery of pillar bases in situ at Dholavira help us to explain the numerous such stones found in the streets and dumps at Harappa and Mohenjodaro. The other gates found at Dholavira are relatively quite simple.
Streets:
Streets played a vital role in the urban planning of the Harappans. The overall layout of the Harappan settlements is distinguished by the orientation of streets according to the cardinal directions. The principal streets at best were laid out running north-south and east-west cutting at right angles forming a grid pattern dividing the settlements into square or rectangular blocks. Although at Mohenjodaro, they are not in a precise alignment and the widest streets (9 meters) appear to have run across the lower city from north to south. Excavations carried out in lower city at Kalibangan established the existence of four arterial thoroughfares, running north-south and three running east-west. While the former were found to run unimpeded, the latter did not cross the former but were staggered and possibly served as delivery or entrance lanes for certain house blocks. Again, while the former were not equally spaced, the latter were situated on an average of 70m from each other. The width of the thoroughfares and streets corresponded to the multiple of 1.8 m and range from 1.8 to 7.2 m. To avoid damage from the vehicular traffic, fender posts were provided at some street corners. The width of thoroughfares seems to have been maintained throughout the occupation, the only structural encroachments into the streets were rectangular platforms immediately outside some houses. The streets, except in the late phase, were unmetalled. The layout of the city shows that the alignment of the streets is at variance with that of the fortification walls. It seems fortifications and streets had been planned at the same time (Thapar 1979: 200-201). Similarly, streets of 4-6 m wide and narrow lanes of 2-3 m divided the principal living area at Lothal. The main street ran from north to south. At Surkotada also existed streets and lanes in between the house complexes.
At Dholavira, however, the main arterial street running east-west, connecting lower and middle town provided on either side bold projections and recesses, resulting an open space opposite to the main street. It is indeed a novel method of layout of the habitational sectors with a wide-open space hitherto unknown at other Harappan sites. Of course, one could also see major and minor streets and lanes, which cut each other at right angles for making a defined network of housing units (Bisht 1998-99: 25-26). The streets at Banawali due to typical configuration of the settlement offered a different layout. The citadel has, notwithstanding its curvatural delineation, resolved itself in a formal arrangement of streets and lanes which ran straight almost along the cardinal directions and cut each other at right angles and thereby determined a fairly rectangular form for individual housing sectors of which six units can be easily identified within the excavated area. On the other hand, the lower town, having trapezoidal plan, has exhibited a nucleated radial layout of the streets and lanes, which, in turn, demarcated a series of triangulate of acutely trapezoidal residential sectors. In this unconventional layout, there were seen certain focal points for streets, like spokes of wheel, to converge on or radiate from. They therefore, made an acute or obtuse angle at the point of bifurcation. In the lower town, one such focal point was near the east gate, where five major streets- three coming from the interior of the town and two running along the fortification wall- meet with the passage of the gate on a broad piazza. No streets showed use of vehicular traffic. The only exception was seen in the outer street near the northern apex of the citadel wall. Here, several pairs of rut marks were found cut deep into the street floor. This shows that the movement of carts was restricted to some special streets only (Bisht 1998-99: 19-20).
Houses and Buildings:
Groups of residential houses and public buildings were constructed close together and formed larger blocks that were bordered by lanes and wide streets. Most of the houses opened on the narrower streets and lanes and rarely on the main street. An average house centred around an open courtyard from which access was provided to the various rooms to meet basic requirements as modules seen in traditional Indian houses even today. Almost every house was provided with a hearth, bathroom, latrine, drain while some had their own well also. The house floors were made of either rammed earth or paved with moulded mud bricks. In quite a few houses staircases have been noticed, which tend to suggest that there may have been an upper storey, though it is equally likely that in most cases these opened up on just the roof. On an average, house walls were 70 cm thick and ceilings were probably over 3 m high. Clay models of houses show that some of the doorframes were painted and possibly carved with simple decoration and also suggest a kind of locking device. Windows were reported to have normally formed by lattice brickwork. Besides the common type of houses, barrack like quarters, arranged in two parallel back to back north-south rows, separated by a narrow passage were evident from the HR area of Mohenjodaro. Here, each quarter had two rooms, one at the back and the other in the front. These barracks are reminiscent of more or less similar quarters at Harappa. There were also large houses surrounded by smaller units served as one single residential complex. The outer units may have been the houses of relatives or service groups attached to the main house. While large public buildings may have been associated with specific administrative or religious functions. The structures identified as the Great Bath, the so-called Granary, the Collage, and the Ware-house etc. may be included in this category.
Drains:
The well laid out streets and side lanes equipped with drains are one of the most outstanding features of the Harappan town planning. The fact that not only the cities but also even smaller towns and villages had impressive drainage system indicating that discharge of polluted water and sewage was an important part of the concerns of the Harappans. The drains mostly made of baked bricks, connecting the bathing platforms and latrines of private houses to medium sized drains in the side streets. These drains flowed into larger sewers in the main streets, which were covered with bricks or dressed stone blocks. Corbelled arches allowed the larger drains to cut beneath streets or buildings until they finally exited under the city wall. One completely preserved drain found at Harappa has a magnificent corbelled arch- 1.6 m high, 60 cm wide and extends for 6.5 m beneath a major city street. At intervals along the main sewage drains were a rectangular sump pits for collecting solid waste. There were also provisions for the management of wastewater inside the house, with intramural drains, vertical drain pipes in the walls, chutes through walls to the streets and drains from bathing floors into the street drains. Sometimes special baked bricks of extra length were used to cover wider drains or culverts. The Great Bath at Mohenjodaro was provided with the largest of all the Harappan culverts. Water from inside houses was sometime led directly into a street drain, but there are other facilities that were used as well: brick-lined cesspits and pottery jars along the streets.
On the other hand, Dholavira has provided excellent evidence of rainwater drains. The citadel has yielded an effective system of water harvesting through network of drains to a reservoir carved out in open space provided in the bailey. The large drains are high and broad enough to allow a person to walk through (Fig-10), resembling the drain to flush out wastewater from the Great Bath at Mohenjodaro. An interesting feature of these drains at Dholavira is the provision of small apertures at short intervals on the roofing stone slabs. These apertures could have acted like ducts to let air escape and facilitate the easy flow of storm water.
Aquatic Structures:
Depending on the geographical setting of the site, wells, tanks and reservoirs were built to ensure various requirements related to water. According to Jansen’s estimation Mohenjodaro may have had over 700 wells (Jansen 1989: 252). In contrast, Harappa may have had as few as 30 wells. Similar evidence were reported from Chanhudaro, Kalibangan, Lothal and Dholavira restricting to only very few. Majority of these wells were lined with specially made wedge-shaped bricks (Fig-11) to form a structurally sound cylinder 10 to 15 m deep that would not cave in under pressure from the surrounding soil. Deep grooves on the brick at the top edge of the well, except that of Dholavira where such marks are seen on the basal stone slab of the trough (Fig-12), show that ropes were used to lift the water, probably with leather bags. Some wells at Mohenjodaro were as small as 60 cm in diameter, while one was as large as 2.1 m. In contrast, the highly skilled masonry work employed in the construction of a well in the castle area of Dholavira is the largest of which the inner diameter measured 4.12 m.
The tank complex of Mohenjodaro known as the Great Bath is considered as the earliest public water tank in the ancient world. The tank measures approximately 12 m north south and 7 m east west, with a maximum depth of 2.4 m. Two staircases, one each on the northern and southern sides, led to the floor of the tank. Great care was taken to see that there was no leakage of water from the tank. Thus, not only was the brick-on-edge floor set in impregnable gypsum-mortar but the same kind of mortar was also used in the sidewalls. The discharge of used water was through a corbelled drain at the southwest corner of the floor. Around the tank proper there ran successively a courtyard and a pillared corridor. In one of the rooms, found behind one of the three corridors, there was a double-lined brick well, which evidently supplied water to the tank. Most scholars agree that this elaborate building was not used simply for the public bathing but was used for special religious functions where water was used to purify and renew the well being of the bathers. Likewise, two water tanks with a well, as an interrelated complex was identified at Dholavira, located in the southwestern quarter of the castle. Of these, a larger tank (Fig-13) has skilfully made floor with smothered stones, the sides upto a certain height lined with large limestone slabs and superstructure with dressed stones. On one side from the north, a flight of steps was provided half way down (not up to the floor as a normal practice). In the centre of this rectangular tank floor, there was a pit, perhaps used to let the dirty water accumulated there in during periodical cleaning of the tank. For an easy disposal of the bulk of water in the tank, a small aperture was also noticed. It was perhaps connected to a wastewater drain under the nearby broadway. In order to make the tank leak-proof, sticky, grey-coloured clay, which is highly impervious to water is used in the masonry work. The smaller tank besides the larger one, constructed more or less in the same fashion with the exception that the steps were provided upto the tank floor. The nearby well was the common source of supply of water for both these tanks connected with high inlet drain. Yet another interesting baked brick lined basin, nearly rectangular in shape, 219 by 37 m in size, was located immediately to the east of the township of Lothal. The brick walls of the sunken enclosure are 4.5 m high. A platform borders the town side and permits easy access to the warehouse and Acropolis. Two inlets for entry of water were noticed, one each on the northern and eastern wall, measuring respectively about 12 m and 7 m in width besides a spill way for the exit of excess water was provided in the southern wall. This structure has been identified by the excavator as a Dockyard (Fig-14). However, the precise function of this brick lined enclosure is still open to question. Some scholars believe that it was a tank (Leshnik 1968). In fact, neither of these alternatives, the tank versus the dockyard, is fully convincing. Whatever its functional utility may be, it represents one of the artificial largest water-retaining basin and reflects on advanced hydraulic technology developed by the Harappans.
Of all the Harappan sites, Dholavira has provided with a most efficient system of water harvesting and storage in the form of reservoirs in the absence of perennial rivers, lakes or springs in its vicinity, where subsoil water is, by and large, brackish and saline. A good deal of forethought might have gone while selecting the site at an ideal location between two seasonal storm drains, the Manhar and the Mansar. It seems, the city planners of Dholavira had conceptualised an amazing system of dams and tanks to manage water by conserving every drop of water that used to flow in the flanking streams after the downpours; otherwise, a city of such magnitude may not have thrived in an area where droughts and famines are so common. The Harappans, during their hey-day, created within the city walls in all sixteen or more reservoirs of varying size along the northern, western and southern sides of the main settlement and to the east of the citadel. A tentative estimate indicates that the reservoirs account for about 10 hectares, i.e. 10% of the total area covered under the city, for the storage of the water harnessed from the streams by way of raising series of dams. It is worth noting that the gradient between the higher northeast and lower southwest area of the city is 13 m, an ideal situation of having reservoirs. Of these, the reservoir located to the east of the castle has 31 steps from top to bottom and is a marvel of the technology and effort, of which the embankments and the steps were built in the stone masonry. It is 24 m wide and varied between 7.5 and 5 m in depth. Another reservoir near the Annex, to the south of the castle, has an exposed length of 95 m and width of approximately 10 m. The depth varies from 2 to 4 m. It is one of the earliest ever rock cut example of reservoir that too of such a large scale (Fig-15). The excavator remarks that the city might have looked like a lake-city or ‘jala-durga’.
Sculptures:
The extent works of art in general and the sculptures in particular, add greatly to our comprehension of ancient cultures and provide an insight into the minds of the artists. The works of art not only often reflects the sprit and atmosphere of a culture but also give an indication of social values and religious beliefs in a way in which other material remains cannot possibly do. This is certainly true for the Harappan culture also. Though only very few sculptures so far known in the vast corpus of the Harappan material remains, they certainly speak of high standard of craftsmanship achieved by the Harappans in this sphere of human activity also. Unfortunately, unlike other aspects of the Harappan studies, sculptural art as an important area of research is yet to attract scholars. Myself, being an archaeologist, will view it in archaeological perspective and obviously not as an art historian or art critic.
Compared to the Mesopotamian and Egyptian civilizations, the number of stone and bronze sculptures depicting basically human and animal forms, reported from the Harappan civilization, is very limited. However, on the whole there is some justification for claiming a multiplicity of art styles and postulating the roots of the much later historic art of the Indian subcontinent in them. Among the modest collection, the major specimens are reported from Mohenjodaro and few from Harappa, Chanhudaro, Dholavira, and Daimabad. Of these, except the statue of a Dancing Girl from Mohenjodaro and Daimabad hoard representing various animals, cast in bronze, rest are carved in stone, dominated by male figures.
One of these is the famous steatite sculpture popularly known as the ‘Priest-King’ from Mohenjodaro (Fig-16). It probably represents a person of very high rank judging from the elaborate clothing and ornaments. Although the body below the chest is missing, it is 17.5 cm in height and the width is 11 cm. It has well-combed hair, parted in the middle, dropping behind the neck. Parallel lines in relief show a well-groomed beard. In contrast, however, the upper lip is clean shaved. Around the forehead goes a band, which is tied behind, and falls back further down from the neck. A circular piece attached to this band on the forehead may probably have some special significance. The eyes are half closed, as if the priest is in a meditative pose. The figure wears a shawl like garment, which passes from underneath the right arm but goes over the left shoulder. It has a design of trefoils, which were originally filled with red pigment. It has also been noted that when discovered one of the eyes had a shell inlay. The right upper arm is also decked with an ornament similar to that of the fillet headband. The back of the head is flattened, possibly in order to affix a horned headdress as a symbol of sacred authority. Parpola attempts to demonstrate that the garment of the Priest- King is something called the tarpya, found in the Vedic ritual (Parpola 1985). After the “Priest- King” the most famous stone sculpture is the small male torso from Harappa (Fig-17). This figure is a masterpiece carved from a fine-grained red sandstone (jasper), a material that was never used by the later sculptors. It is 9.5 cm high, broken at the legs, with the head and arms missing. This nude figure of a youth with well-built yet supple and sensuous body, bearing holes for the attachment of the head and arms, but none are apparent for the legs. Prominent circular indentations, probably made by a tube drill are located on the front of each shoulder probably to affix a garment or for the inlay of the ornaments. The holes for the breast nipples are apparently intended for inlay. Another interesting sculpture, representing male dancer, reported from Harappa, made of dark grey stone, confirm the technique of manufacture and general modelling of Harappan style (Fig-18). This 10cm high torso of which again head and arms are missing while legs are partly broken. However, its uniqueness lies in its somewhat twisted body with lifted left leg, posed as dancer. Holes on the back of the neck were probably intended to hold hair in place suggesting that the figure was probably shown looking down. Marshall’s reconstruction of the pose may not be far off the mark but does show life and movement and should be placed in the high rank of the Harappan art (Possehl 2002: 112). However, amongst the Harappan sculptures, the most captivating piece of art is probably the bronze statue of nude Dancing Girl from Mohenjodaro (Fig-19). Only just a little over 11 cm in height, the figure shown standing upright in relaxed pose with head tilted slightly back and the right leg somewhat straight but the left one bent at the knee. The right hand is posed against the right hip, while the left one, heavily bedecked with bangles, rest on the left knee. From behind the neck descends a necklace with the pendant dangling between the breasts. Her hair is tied in a bun hanging low on the back of the neck like many Indian women do today. The ankles and feet are missing. But there is one more bronze sculpture from Mohenjodaro itself, which shows these limbs wearing anklet. Depiction of various features of this small figure is so vivacious and hence it has been rightly recognised as one of the masterpieces of the Harappan art. Apart from these, a few more sculptures, mostly from Mohenjodaro, survived in the form of human heads. Most of these resemble in their facial features with that of the Priest King. Another sculpture reported from the same site is a seated male figure of which head is missing. This statue 29.2 cm in height, made of grey alabaster, shown wearing some garment covering left arm just like that of Priest King. Its left arm is placed just outside the left leg, which is raised and bent at the knee, whereas the right hand rests on the right knee. It is, however, unfinished and shows chisel marks of the preliminary stone dressing. The same-seated pose has been proposed for the Priest King (Fig-20). In this context, it is quite surprising that none of the Harappan sites found in India revealed such sculptures except Dholavira from where recently seated male figure carved in stone had been reported. However, this headless sculpture is also broken and not much is known in details.
It is quite enigmatic not to have sculptural remains of animals in real sense, though variety of them, both in form and kind, are represented in the Harappan seals, terracotta and pottery drawings. Though few animals found depicted in copper or bronze, gold or silver and stone or faience in the form of miniature figurines mostly as ornaments forming a part of necklace representing sheep, rabbit, monkey, buffalo, squirrel, bull etc are cannot be treated as sculptural representations. However, the hoard consisting of four bronzes, accidentally discovered from Daimabad, though of Late Harappan period, substantially fills the lacuna. It includes a pair of bull, an elephant, a rhinoceros and a buffalo. They are in an excellent state of preservation and not lost their pristine features. All the four are of solid cast and reported to weigh over 60 kg. Of these, the chariot and bulls are most remarkable so far their workmanship is concerned. It consists of an elaborate Chariot yoked to two bulls and driven by a man standing in a chariot (Fig-21). Though the chariot has some Harappan features, this vehicle has no analogues in the Harappan Civilization and thus stands unique. The elephant is the largest of the three animals in the hoard, which stands on a platform with four brackets beneath, pierced to take axles. The treatment of the rhinoceros inevitably recalls that of the Harappan seals and provides comparative examples. The same is true to the buffalo and reminds the figures of buffaloes both in terracotta and cast copper or bronze from Mohenjodaro. All these are provided with wheels, indicating because of their size, meant to be used in procession. They are in fact the finest of their kind in the whole range of Indian Protohistoric art and might have been created by an extremely skilled sculptor (Dhavalikar 1993)
Seals:
Seals have been reported from most of the Urban Harappan sites and in fact constituting one of the distinctive traits of the Mature phase. These exceed over two thousand in number and more are pouring in with every new excavation. Though there are variations in size, shape and execution, the most common were squarish, each side measuring somewhere between 2 and 3 cm with an average thickness of about 50-60 mm. Some of the seals were, however rectangular, circular and even cylindrical. Few circular and cylindrical seals found in the Harappan context, however are exotic. The presence of cylindrical types often with Harappan motifs suggests a cultural interaction with Mesopotamian and Persian world whereas the circular types are diagnostic of the Gulf area. Though majority of the seals are made of steatite, there are a few cases of copper, silver, calcite and faience also. Normally, in case of steatite seals, the process of manufacturing involves first cutting of steatite (soft soapstone) into the required size and shape and then the surface was smoothened with some abrasive. The finest surface was then engraved with the burin/chisel like sharp instrument and finally a coating of alkaline solution was applied before firing to harden it and also to get a white shinning look. Most of the seals, irrespective of their material, had a convex perforated boss on the reverse, through which a thread could be passed for suspension. Amongst the variety of subjects depicted on the seals, it was the so-called ‘Unicorn’ (one horned mythical animal) that outnumbers the rest (Fig-22). In every case of this category, in front of the animal is shown a standard like object, variously interpreted as manger, brazier, incense burner or sacred filter (Mahadevan 1984). The other animals included are the short-horned bull (bison), Brahmani bull with its characteristic dewlap and hump (Fig-23), buffalo, rhinoceros, tiger, elephant, crocodile, antelope, goat, hare etc. Then there were composite animals and even human and animal combinations. Some seals contain more complex iconographic scenes representing mythological or religious depictions (Joshi and Parpola 1987). The signs of Harappan script, which were carved inversely or “intaglio” since they were stamped, assumed stand for the name of the owner, the name of an affiliated organization or the name of a deity. These seals were probably used for trade as an administrative instrument as well as for other functions too. The recent analysis suggests that the number of actual seal impressions (sealings) are much less than that of seals, as majority of them are found abraded only at the edges and retain the crisp edge of the carving more or less intact, has led to the scholars to the speculation that they were used more as protective amulets and /or identification marks than in administrative and economic life (Chakrabarti 1999:181). The presence of one or two examples of ‘amulets’ reported from Mohenjodaro and Bagasra where the interior of the seal had been carefully hollowed out to form a compartment which was formerly closed by a sliding cover that fitted with grooves cut into the opening of the socket so that something, most probably, a magic charm, could be kept safely inside (Fig-24). It also appears that square stamped seals with animal motifs carried messages understandable to different citizens. As totemic symbol, the additional traits, such as power, cunning, agility, strength etc. may have been associated with each animal, depicted on seals. It is also surprising that the animals depicted are usually male has some specific connotation (Kenoyer 1998:83). Therefore, Harappan seals are now treated more in the nature of token of power and prestige rather then mere badges bearing their owners name. If the function they were supposed to perform had been simple-i.e. just restricted to vouching for merchant’s right on the goods they were stamped on lump of clay of sealed container, there is no reason why so much artistic skill went into their manufacture.
Major research efforts on the Harappan seals have been directed towards the decipherment of the Indus script and very feeble attempts were made in understanding the pictorial depiction and categorisation of the representations to read the minds of the Harappan people. In this regard P.V. Pathak has tried to interpret some of the seals as the pictorial representation of the Atharva Vedic hymns (Pathak 1998-99: 1999).
Conclusion:
From the aforesaid data it is quite obvious that the centralized planning of the Harappan settlements is one of the distinctive features of this one of the earliest advanced urban civilizations of the world. Although they were not strictly laid on chessboard or grid patterns with invariably straight roads, they do show many signs of careful planning. Sites like Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Kalibangan had low, large eastern sectors and separately fortified higher but smaller western sectors, known as lower towns and citadels respectively. There is a clear evidence that the buildings of the citadel were laid on a high podium fortified with bastions and towers whereas the eastern one too lay within a fortification though of high magnitude but less impressive. Though some of the settlements were fortified even during the Pre/Early Harappan phase, their actual division into separate enclosed units evidently appear to coincide with the Mature Harappan phase only, obviously denoting socio-political stratification. On the contrary Surkotada shows no such divisions but has only a single sector on the model of western sector of Kalibangan. Though Lothal and Banawali each lay within a single enclosure, the latter shows distinctly fortified apsidal citadel within a trapezoidal town. Of the two, Lothal has distinction of having a dockyard. On the other hand, Rakhigarhi, though not fully exposed show signs of possessing more than two walled residential sectors. However, Dholavira stands apart and show three divisions within the general enclosing wall consisting of bipartite citadel (Castle and Bailey), middle town and lower town, which temptingly sound analogous respectively to three interesting terms in the Rigveda viz. ‘Parama’, ‘Madhyama’ and ‘Avam’ denoting three different categories of the settlement or buildings. An open space between the citadel and the middle town served as stadium. However, most amazing is the layout of gates and provision of large reservoirs in the drought prone area of Kutch, integrating the use of two local streams into the overall civic planning. However, despite variations in details, all settlements were well integrated to suit into the landscape under one platform. Unlike the haphazard arrangement of Mesopotamian cities, Harappan settlements followed the same basic plan everywhere.
In terms of quantity or quality the Harappan sculptural remains cannot be compared with the repertoire of either Mesopotamia or Egypt, neither we find variety of expressions nor the range of exploitation of media which both of these cultures witnessed. However, an assortment of Harappan sculptures reflects on their own developed art concept. Moreover, if we look carefully at the total assemblage of Harappan sculptures, it reveals that their stylistic tradition was not homogeneous and uniform. One could see a difference in composition, form and technique between the ‘Priest-King’ and ‘Dancing girl’ found from Mohenjodaro. On the whole, although, examples of Harappan sculptures are rare, the art tradition of the later Indian subcontinent apparently owes a lot to them. This can be inferred precisely from the modelling of the Harappan torsos, which are reminiscent of the sculptures of the historic period.

Apparently, though the Harappans could not produce big works of art on a large scale, they excelled in those of small compass. Their most notable artistic achievement was perhaps in their seal engravings, especially the animals, which they delineated with powerful realism. The cult scenes show a refreshing originality, but because of subject matter of depiction there was no scope for detailed artistic expression. Though the meaning and use of inscribed seals are still shrouded in mystery, partly because the script still remains undeciphered, but certainly these were used to stamp bales of traded goods and may be more as token of power and prestige besides amulets.
Until recently, it was believed that the Harappan civilization along with its spectacular achievements, evolved quite mysteriously and then disappeared suddenly, leaving little or no legacy for later cultures. However, as new sites have been discovered and previously excavated ones were restudied it became apparent that it disintegrated gradually, leaving the field open for the development of subsequent Protohistoric cultures and the second urbanization during the first millennium B.C. In fact, there are significant continuities in subsistence activities, art and architecture, technologies, economic set up, urban organizations and possibly socio-ritual as well as political structures. Even today in the modern cities, towns and villages of the subcontinent one can see the legacy of the Harappan culture reflected in traditional arts and crafts as well as in the layout of houses and settlements (Lal 2002).
References

Allchin, B and F.R. Allchin (1982), The Rise of Civilization in India and Pakistan, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bisht, R.S. (1998-99), “Dholavira and Banawali: Two Different Paradigms of the Harappan Urbis Forma”, Puratattva 29, pp. 14-37.
Chakrabarti, D.K. (1999), India: An Archaeological History, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Childe, V.G. (1950), “The Urban Revolution”, The Town Planning Review 21 (1), pp. 3-17.
Dales, G.F. and J.M. Kenoyer (1977), “Shell Working at Ancient Balakot, Pakistan”, Expedition 19 (2), pp. 13-19
Dhavalikar, M.K. (1993), “ Daimabad Bronzes”, in G.L. Possehl, ed., Harappan Civilization: A Recent Perspective, New Delhi: Oxford and IBH Publishing Co. Pvt. Ltd., pp. 421-426.
Francfort, H.P. (1984),“The Harappan Settlement of Shortugai”, in B.B. Lal and S. P. Gupta, eds., Frontiers of the Indus Civilization, Delhi: Books and Books, pp. 301-310.

Jansen, M. (1989),“Some Problems Regarding the Forma Urbis Mohenjodaro”, in K. Frifelt and P. Sorensen, eds., South Asian Archaeology 1985, London: Curzon Press, pp. 247-256.
Jansen, M. (2002),“Settlement Network of the Indus Civilization”, in S. Settar and Ravi Korisettar, eds., Indian Archaeology in Retrospect: Protohistory- Archaeology of the Harappan Civilization, New Delhi: ICHR and Manohar, pp. 105-128.
Joshi, J.P. (1990), Excavation at Surkotada 1971-72 and Exploration in Kutch, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No.87, New-Delhi.
Joshi, J.P. and Asko Parpola (1987), Corpus of Indus Seals and Inscriptions, Vol. I, Collections in India, Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia.
Kenoyer, J.M. (1998), Ancient Cities of the Indus Valley Civilization, Karachi: Oxford University Press.
Lal, B.B. (2002), The Saraswati Flows on: the Continuity of Indian Culture, New Delhi: Aryan Books International.
Leshnik, L.S. (1968), “The Harappan ‘Port’ at Lothal: Another View”, American Anthropologist 70 (5), pp. 911-922.
Mahadevan, Iravatham. (1984), “The Cult Object on Unicorn Seals: A Sacred Filter, Puratattva 13-14 (1981-83), pp. 165-186.
Mughal, M.R. (1980), “ New Archaeological Evidences from Bahawalpur”, Man and Environment 4, pp. 93-98.
Parpola, Asko (1985), “ The Harappans Priest- King’s robe and the Vedic Tarpya Garment: Their Interrelation and Symbolism”, South Asian Archaeology: 1983, pp. 385-404.
Pathak, P.V. (1998-99), “Sacred Bull: The Royal Emblem on Indus Seals and AV v.16 and vi. 86”, Puratattva 29, pp. 38-45.
Pathak, P.V. (1999), “ On the Nature of the Indus Seals: Problems and Prospects”, Man and Environment 24 (2), pp. 71-77.
Possehl, G.L. (2002), The Indus Civilization: A Contemporary Perspective, New Delhi: Vistaar Publications.
Sonawane, V.H. (1992), “Fresh Light on the Specialized Crafts of the Harappans in Gujarat”, The Eastern Anthropologist 45 (1-2), pp. 155-172.
Sonawane, V.H. (1999), “ Harappan Civilization in Gujarat: A Recent Perspective”, Pragdhara 9, pp. 1-13.
Thapar, B.K. (1979), “ Kalibangan: A Harappan Metropolis Beyond the Indus Valley”, in G.L. Possehl, ed., Ancient Cities of the Indus, New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., pp. 196-211.
Thapar, B.K. (1985), Recent Archaeological Discoveries in India, Paris/Tokyo: UNESCO, The Centre for East Asian Cultural studies.

Illustrations:

Figure-1: The site plan of Harappa (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-2: The site plan of Mohenjodaro (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-3: The site plan of Kalibangan (courtesy ASI)
Figure-4: The site plan of Lothal (courtesy ASI)
Figure-5: The site plan of Surkotada (courtesy ASI)
Figure-6: The site plan of Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-7: The site plan of Banawali (courtesy ASI)
Figure-8: Members of Central pillar in the eastern gate at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-9: Western chamber of the northern gate at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-10: Covered rainwater stone drain at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-11: Backed brick well at Lothal (courtesy ASI)
Figure-12: Stone well showing rope marks at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-13: Water tank at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-14: Dockyard at Lothal with a spillway (courtesy ASI)
Figure-15: Water reservoirs at Dholavira (courtesy ASI)
Figure-16: Steatite sculpture of “Priest King” from Mohenjodaro (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-17: Stone sculpture of male torso from Harappa
Figure-18: Stone sculpture of male dancer from Harappa
Figure-19: Bronze statue of “Dancing Girl” from Mohenjodaro
Figure-20: Seated stone male figure from Mohenjodaro (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-21: Bronze Chariot from Daimabad
Figure-22: Typical steatite inscribed Harappan seal depicting unicorn (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-23: Typical steatite inscribed Harappan seal depicting Brahmani bull (courtesy Jonathan Mark Kenoyer)
Figure-24: Steatite Harappan seal with socket from Bagasra.

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2
Techno-artistic Re-appraisal of Mauryan Pillars : An account of Archaeological Findings at Sarnath and Chunar

Vidula Jayaswal

I

Overview
Mauryan pillars also referred to as, Asokan columns have special place in the history and culture of ancient India. One of it’s most famous members, the Loin Capital of Sarnath, has been accepted as, “undoubtedly the finest piece of sculpture of its kind so far discovered in India”. Moreover, in comparison to the later productions of animal sculpture in India, one fully realizes Fergussion’s verdict that Indian art is written in decay” (ASI: Annual Report 1904-05: 69). Besides, unparallel chiseling, the theme of this composition also is of at most importance for the cultural and religious comprehension of our ancient past. Writing royal verdicts on permanent medium like stone, by the emperor Asoka make these columns as the first preserved written records of the governance. A balanced combination of strict discipline with sensitive care and concerned about all the living beings, both man and animal, by the monarch, which is reflected in these epigraphs laid the foundation for the concept of ideal king and his governance. The propagation of Dharma Vijaya, instead of the victory by killing of the Mauryan period, still has relevance. Needless to mention that it is due to this fact that one of the symbols of Lion capital, the Chakra has been selected as the national emblem of modern India (Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru in Agrawala, V.S. 1964: xi).
Stone as medium for aesthetic expression in India though appears to have it’s beginning during the Harappan times, yet there is a gap of a couple of millennia, when potentiality of this medium was exploited to its’ full capacity. It is well established that initiation and earliest mastery of crafting of this medium was attained during the Mauryan times, particularly under the patronage of emperor Asoka. Not only stone had acquired the important position as a media for art and craft expression, but there was a pronounced tendency to use large blocks of stones for creating imposing size of sculptures and architectural components. The relevant deduction which is being debated is that, …“The sudden appearance of stone carving of such sophistication (in the context of the lion capital of Sarnath) probably argues for some foreign workers or at least contacts”…(Harle, J.C.1986 :23).
Besides, the pillars are also noteworthy as first monumental constructions and the imposing carvings in stone in India (Ray, N. R. 1968). In the words of Niharranjan Ray, “ the sculpture… begins with the Mauryas and flourished under the patronage of the imperial court, specially of Asoka. The best specimens are furnished by a number of monolithic columns..” ( Ray, N.R. 1968: 506). Similarly, the chiseling of the large shaft, it’s polishing and the carved surmounting capitals are other distinguishing features of the ancient Indian art and craft, some examples of which are pride of our country (Agrawala, V.S. 1965). On account of which various historical inquiries, such as the idea for the erection of the pillar, use of stone in such a volume, the technical knowledge and skill for the installation of these lithic monuments etc., have been matter of debate for quite some time (Agrawala, V.S. 1965; Ray, N.R. 1968; Harle, J.C. 1986).
“Generally speaking, each column consists of two parts, the shaft and the capital” (Ray, N.R. 1968: 506). The “majestic capitals”, of some of these columns, ¾ particularly those found at Bakhira (Near Basarh or Vaisali), Rampurva, Lauriya Nandangarh, Sankisya, Sarnath and Sanchi, which are chiseled out of a single block, are .. “ the first important group of Indian stone sculpture” (Harle, J.C. 1986: 22). “The shaft circular in section and slightly tapering, is made of single block of stone and has graceful and elegant proportion” (Ray, N.R. 1968: 506). It is further mentioned that, the shaft alone is more than 30 feet (Ray, N.R. 1968: 506), or about 40 to 45 feet (12-14 m) (Harle, J.C. 1986: 22). Approximately of 50 tons, … “the conveyance of these monolithic columns, after often to a great distance testify to the high engineering and stone cutters’ skill of the age” (Ray, N.R. 1968: 506).
It has been observed by earlier studies that the most imposing feature of these columns is their large monolithic shaft. More over, it has also been shown that, it is the monolithic shaft, which makes these pillars particularly distinct, and different from the other contemporary pillars (Gordard, A. 1965). Whether, stone utilized for all the Asokan pillars was acquired from Chunar, is also a matter of debate. For instance, since long it has been believed that the resource area of the raw material for these monuments was Chunar. Niharranjan Ray has mentioned that ,… “ All the Mauryan colums are chiseled out of grey Chunar sandstone and have a lustrous polish” (Ray, N. R. 1968: 508). But, in Harle’s assessment “ It can no longer be confidentally asserted that the pillars, …were all quarried at Chunar, near Varanasi”(Harle, J.C. 1986:22). The recent findings at Chunar, help in the clarification of these assumptions. For, the archaeological findings at Chunar has brought to light significant facts regarding the quarrying of stone blocks, transportation of the extracted blocks from the quarries to the place of utility and the chiseling mechanism of the early Historic times, prevalent in the Gangetic plains in general and the composition of the Asokan pillars in particular. Further, it was noted by me that, the shafts of the standing pillars in Bihar are not monolithic, but are composed of a number of blocks (Jayaswal, V. 1998: 222).
In the light of the earlier studies and the recent findings, it is now possible to reconstruct the entire chiseling process of the Mauryan pillars, particularly those which are located in the middle Ganga plain lying within the modern administrative boundaries of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Since, these monuments, not only form a prominent group of Asokan columns, but are also located considerably close to the sandstone quarries, making the direct correlation of the resource and utility areas of the utilized medium workable. Archaeological discoveries at Chunar have revealed a series of indications for the acquisition of stone blocks, their transportation to the utility centres and other significant factors like, ¾ the administrative set up for the stone cutting operations, the team of chiselers/artisans at work etc. Initiated during Mauryan times continuity of these stone crafting innovations can be seen in more or less similar manner up to the late Medieval times. Since the peak of creativity of stone carving of the early historical times, undoubtedly is the Lion capital of Sarnath, for a complete comprehension of Mauryan pillars, focus on this composition too is unavoidable.

II
Archaeological facts and its’ interpretation
The first step for chiseling a sculpture and/or the construction of a stone monument is to acquire suitable block of stones. Since such stones, which are good for carving are found in the form of geological compositions, these have to be extracted in the desirable quantities from the resource area and need to be brought to the place of carving and/or utility. A team of stone cutters/artisans has to work under a patron. When erection of Pillars might have been planned for the first time by the king Asoka, all the stages of the stone carving craft had to be formalized and initiated. Since there was no earlier mechanism prevalent in the middle Ganga plain, which could have continued or followed. The lithic chiseling process, appear to undergo the following stages, which are successfully demonstrated in the archaeological records.
Quarries & Quarrying operations
Ancient quarries in the hills around Chunar township (Long. 82°02’ E & Lat. 25°04’N) were identified by Prof. P.C. Pant and me, in the year 1990 (Pant, P.C. & V. Jayaswal.1990), when the vicinity of Baragaon village was found littered with a number of cylindrical blocks of sandstone (Fig. 8). Archaeological investigations conducted, subsequently (between the years 1990 and 1993), by me, in about 10 square km area of the flat hill-top and the slopes at Chunar, have brought to light as many as 452 ancient quarries, which were associated with marks of extraction of stone blocks, chiseling debris, undressed, half dressed and completely dressed cylindrical blocks and records of extracted/transported sandstone blocks in the form of count-marks etc. At least 1128 cylindrical blocks were recorded, out of which 112 dressed blocks were also inscribed. Bearing inscriptions dating between the Third century B.C. and the Thirteen/Fourteenth century A.D., these blocks were scattered at random, in and around the dug rock formations and slope of hills, in the depressions and nalas and were also found submerged in the river Ganga. On account of the weathered surface of the blocks, local folk tales, and the discovery of epigraphs it was possible to identify these as abandoned quarries. The palaeography of the inscribed blocks suggests that sandstone was being quarried from the hills of Chunar from Mauryan times to the medieval periods (Jayaswal, V. 1998). The practice of exploiting these hills for the raw material for constructional purposes, in the middle Ganga valley, is still in vogue.
It may be mentioned that, the sandstone used for Mauryan carvings range from buff to pink shades. The pink dotted with dark red-brown palettes of hematite is the most striking one, which has been used for the Sarnath Lion capital. The survey of the ancient quarries of Chunar indicates that all the shades of sandstone blocks were quarried here during ancient period. A part of pink standstone carving of the Mauryan times housed in the Sarnath Museum, was obtained by me for scrutiny. This sample was compared with one of the samples was collected from a quarry of Chunar. The similarity in the composition of the two was significant. This was an added evidence in support of the assumption that Chunar hills were supplying sandstone for the carving of pillars and other sculptures of the Mauryan period. The Brahmi and Kahoroshti short labels on the quarried blocks at Chunar, on paleographic considerations have also been dated to the Asokan times (Jayaswal V.1998).
The process of extracting the blocks of sandstone was almost the same in the ancient period, which is prevalent in the Chunar region today. The initial stage was the selection of suitable area, were the live rock was of good quality and in the form of consolidated formation. It is mentioned in the geological records, that the Upper Vindhyan formations is characterized by an extensive stretch of sandstone bed right at the top of the plateau like formation. These consolidated thick layers covering the flat terrain of the hills lying in the vicinity of the modern township of Chunar, has been and is being exploited extensively, as the quality of the composition of the sandstone, here is very fine textured and is very suitable particularly for fine chiseling (Wadia, D.N. 1957: 133). But this formation is of shallow thickness. Resulting rapid exhaustion of the formation, and the quarry in use. Thus, the process of selection of good formation had to be done time and again. Once suitable area was selected, the shape and size of the blocks were demarcated on the live rock formation. With the help of chisels and hammers the size of the blocks was demarcated by rows of diamond shaped grooves, which were chiseled at close intervals to one and other. Once the out lines of the blocks were drawn, long iron rods were inserted through the scooped diamond shaped cavities, one after the other. The breakages of the blocks were planned along the alignment of the lamination of the formation. Being sedimentary in nature, the sandstone beds are composed of fine layers, which provide weaker zones if the breakages are planned along the length of the laminations. The basic shape of the extracted block is invariably rectangular with square cross section.
The secondary chiseling of the blocks, which were finally exported from these quarries were shaped in the quarries itself, as per the demand of the shape and size and also the mode of their transportation. Although the quarrying operations were more or less similar in ancient and modern times, yet the shape-size and the mode of transportation of the sandstone of the two differ considerably. For instance, the main demand of sandstone in the middle Ganga plain today is that of flat slabs, patia, which is used in the construction of ceilings or pavement of the floors of the structures. Initiation of the auto-mobile as mode of transportation, has made it very convenient to transport this form of sandstone to distance place from the quarries itself. Thus, Patia, the flat slab in the modern times is chiseled inside the parent quarry before its’ transportation to the place of utility through loading on the trucks and the tractors.
The basic form required for the construction of pillars during the Mauryan times was cylindrical shaped blocks with circular periphery. Also these heavy blocks were to be transported to the place of utility from the hills without modern facilities. The most convenient way was to roll these down the hills up to the river course and then navigate to far distance places. It may be emphasized that, for surface transportation it was imperative to chisel these blocks in cylindrical form. Not only was this form convenient to roll down the hills, but it’s chiseled circular surface during transportation received practically no damage. As, these were devoid of prominent ridges and depressions. The block when detached from its’ parent bed, was therefore, dressed by chiseling the circumference, right in side the quarry. In this venture not only the extra mass was removed and the primary form of the proposed parts of the monuments could be obtained, but, the block was also prepared for smooth and safe transportation. The credit for this master mind engineering process of acquiring the required lithic medium and its’ transportation from the rough hilly terrain to the place of demand, which were located to far distance places, obviously goes to the Mauryan society. The compelling necessity for this innovation, appears to be the construction of the colossal column of Asoka.
In later periods when the construction of pillars was not much in demand and the use of sandstone not only continued but was used for various parts of architecture and carving compositions, the same form of blocks continued to be prepared in the quarries, since the earlier mode of transportation was the best way to carry the large heavy blocks to far places. A testimony to this presumption can be had from the full range of inscriptional records at the Chunar quarries which date between the Mauryan and the late Medieval times. Once the difficulties of transportation could be taken care off, the form of the transported blocks could be utilized in various ways. I have shown elsewhere, for instance, that during Gupta period when Sarnath had become one of the very active sculpture producing centers, even then the cylindrical blocks of sandstone from Chunar were catering to the lithic needs of the carving workshops, as could be glanced through the evidence of Kotwa, near Sarnath (Jayaswal, V. 1998 : 210 ). It was further observed that, a single block of stone of about two meters’ length was able to supply medium for carving of two standing Buddha images which are presently exhibited in the Sarnath Museum. The front of which were carved from the arch of the semi-circular mass, while the back of the images are flattened due to the split straight side.
Transportation of the blocks to the place of utility
It was evident from the survey of Chunar hills that, the first part of the journey, of the extracted blocks, was performed by rolling the blocks down the hills. For this operation perhaps help from elephants was also sought. I am inclined to believe so, because in one of the rock-shelters, at the Durga-khoh, there are engravings of elephants, which are tied with chains. Pushing of heavy blocks of sandstone by elephants, would have considerably facilitated the surface transportation of the extracted stone blocks. The gentle slopes and even the nala beds which also follow the descending contour of the hilly terrain, were used for the purpose. This mode was followed till the blocks reached the main course of the river Ganga, from where these were navigated up and down streams with the help of wooden rafts. The submerged blocks in the main course of the river Ganga near Chunar and Varanasi recorded by me provide supporting evidence for such a presumption. It appears some of these blocks while loading on the rafts fell in the river and could not be transported further. Incidentally, location of sandstone hills at Chunar, at the right bank of the mighty river Ganga, is the most advantageous geographical feature as the river course provides a natural route for transportation of sandstone to the bank side settlements of the Ganga plain, even in modern times. One of the important reasons for the selection of the Chunar hills as the resource area for acquiring sandstone, besides, its’ fine quality was its’ closeness to the river Ganga (Fig. 8). Supply of stone for the construction of all the important pillars of the middle Ganga plains, particularly that of Sarnath, Vaisali, Lauriya-Nandangarh and Lauriya-Ariraj, was primarily through the main river course and the tributaries of the river Ganga. For example, my survey of the Sarnath and Varanasi regions has suggested that the blocks of sandstone from Chunar were brought up to Rajapur, a little upstream of Varanasi (Rajghat), through the main course of the river Ganga, while the five kilometers inland journey from the main river to Sarnath was covered by a tributary nala, Rajapur (Fig. 8). Similar navigational routes can, also be worked out for other sites of the Asokan pillars of Bihar, which are composed of Chunar sandstone.
Artisans & the administrative diktat
The two short epigraphs on the quarried blocks, which are engraved in Brahmi and Kharoshti and the count-marks associated with quarries, are very significant, as these are indicative of the administrative setup involved in the making of the Mauryan columns.
The Kharoshti label which reads Ativaoshas (Pant, P.C. & V. Jayaswal. 1990) on one of the blocks at Chunar appear to be name of a person. This label is very well chiseled than it’s Brahmi counterpart of the same period. This appears to be the name of the chief craftsman, who might have gone up the hills to select the stone blocks of his choice for his proposed compositions. The control over the chisel and the formation of letter are so distinct that it appears logical to surmise that this person was not an ordinary stone cutter working in the quarrying operations, but had a special status among the chiselers/artisans. Since the middle Ganga plain during Mauryan times was the region where Brahmi was the main script, the name in Kharoshti also appears to support this deduction. It has been on and off suggested that there had been migrations of artisans from the northwest to the southern part of this subcontinent during the time of emperor Ashoka, who was initiating carving and engravings on stones (Settar, S. 2003:10-25). Ativaosha, therefore can be one such important artisan who was at work during the Asokan times in the area where stone carvings were made on Chunar sandstone.
As has been discussed a little later in this presentation, Quarry No. 115, around which at least 19 un- transported blocks with the label agathaphe (translated as the front portion of the pillar) in Brahmi (Jayaswal, V. 1998 : 221) were found could be identified as the resource spot for obtaining blocks for carving capital of the pillars. Such a situation would indicate that there was a central control over the making of the pillars both in terms of their number, dimension, theme etc. For which the suitable quarries were identified for individual parts of the proposed composition. Capitals being the most important part needed very fine textured stones. Quarries producing such blocks were perhaps selected very carefully, and the blocks therefore, were distinctively marked. After the selection of suitable block, it’s proper utilization was ensured by engraving the label agathaphe on one of its’ surfaces. Incidentally, these labels are not so well engraved as the Kharosthi personal name label, which may suggest that these labels were carved by not such chiselers who were as expert in engraving letters as the other. But, their familiarity with Brahmi script is well attested. Demarcation of specific blocks must also be eliminating the chances of using inferior quality of stone for the capitals. It is therefore, logical to presume that, the entire process was being performed under royal diktat. This in turn rules out the possibility of individual venture of artisans to carve the Mauryan columns. Because in the second situation, a suitable quarry would have been selected for the making of the entire proposed pillar by the chief craftsman.
The count-marks in the quarries in the form of short vertical lines are another indication for the central control of the sandstone quarrying operations in Chunar (Jayaswal, V. 1998: 94-100). The location of these count-marks was in most cases on one of the prominent flat rocks on the periphery of the quarries. In a few instances, location of quarry marks was also found on some exposed rock or even half dressed block of quarried stone lying inside the quarry. Arranged mostly in straight lines, most of the records were marked from left to right direction. But, there were also instance of such group of count-marks, which were marked from right to left. Incidentally these were placed in the quarries associated with the Kharoshti inscribed labels. It is therefore, apparent that the persons engraving the labels in Brahmi and Kharoshti were also engraving these count records and as per their practice of writing left to right and right to left, respectively, were following the same directions for marking the count-marks.
These quarry count-marks are also assumed to be the .. “count of the workdays of artisans” (Settar, S. 2003: 12). This presumption though is a possibility does not seem to be very likely, as there is definite correlation between the size of the quarry area and the count-marks. For instance the larger the quarry, more number of marks, while the smaller ones have limited numerical count marks. This would indicate the number of blocks, which were extracted and transported from the individual quarries, was being recorded for administrative purposes. It may be recalled that Kautilya in Arthashatra refers to a well organized state machinery by Mauryan kings to exercise state control over many industries including .. “every thing found in the earth, ores, minerals etc.” (Kangle, R.P. 1992: 171). If the stone quarries were under the control of such a machinery, then there was a need to maintain the record of the number of blocks taken out from each of the dig. More over, the possibility of these count-marks representing the number of labour at work or number of working days at the quarry, does not appear to be a logical presumption. Since such records would need an elaborate and detailed accounting.
Chiseling of the shaft
The shaft of the Mauryan columns are said to be a large sized (about 30-35 feet) monolithic composition. But, it may be mentioned categorically, that no evidence for extracting one single block for the presumed monolithic shaft of Asokan column could be obtained at Chunar. Though the field records of quarried blocks at Chunar indicate size of the quarried blocks of wide range, not a single was of 12 to 14 meters dimension. For instance, though large and small sized blocks are found, but the most prominent group had the length range of 2.00 to 2.49 m, with the range of the diameter from 0.50 to 1 m. It may be mentioned that no block measuring longer than three meters could be discovered here. Even some of these were later split into smaller pieces (upto 0.50 m). In spite of our pointed efforts no evidence for extraction of large block of sandstone could be located in the Chunar hills. Our enquiry with experts on sedimentary rocks of the Department of Geology, Banaras Hindu University, revealed that the possibility for locating such large sized flawless blocks in the Upper Vindhyan sandstone formations, is negligible. All these indications raised the doubt regarding the monolithic composition of the shafts of the Mauryan period, which inspired me to visit and examine the Asokan pillars of Bihar. Later the broken parts of the shaft at Sarnath were also studied minutely with their finding records.
The free standing columns which were examined by me were that of Vaisali, Lauriya-Ariraj and Lauriya-Nandangarh. At Lauriya-Nanadangarh and Vaisali, in particular low light (of the setting and rising sun), five to six blocks of stones could be noticed in the composition of the shafts (Fig.9). Added to this, the lower portion of the shaft at Lauriya-Ariraj retained a number of modern engravings made by thin flimsy metal objects like nail, hair-pin etc (Fig. 10). It may be mentioned that our enquiry from the stone cutters and the ethnographic evidence of stone chiseling indicates that it is very difficult to carve lines on dried stone surface of sandstone. It is almost impossible to carve out letters or forms on the original surface of the sandstone which is exposed for so many centuries without chisel and hammer. A small flimsy article can not be effective on such a surface. This prompted me to closely examine the surface of the shaft. To the utter surprise a coat/plaster like layer was noticed, parts of which fells out after a little tapping (Fig.10). Made of crushed sandstone with hematite pallets a coat of about one centimeter was applied over the original surface of the shaft. This sample was brought back to the University and when examined was found to retain chisel marks on its underneath surface and smooth polishing on the upper portion. At Vaishali, a hair thin joint could be photographed between the lower two blocks.
There is one very significant fact regarding the nature of breakage of the lion capital pillar, which is directly related to the technique of making of Mauryan pillars in general and that of Sarnath in particular. It is apparent that most parts of the inscribed Asokan column of Sarnath were found from the ruins (Fig. 1). It has been mentioned by Marshal that ¾
“ To judge from appearances, the column must have been battered down and violently thrown against the shrine. Two of the lion heads of the capital, which apparently struck against the building, were broken and pieces of the shaft were lying scattered around” (ASI: Annual Report: 1904-05: 68).
If this was the situation then only the upper portion of the pillar which is estimated to be about 37’ above the ground fell down along with the lion capital. While the lower stump of the same of about 17’ remained intact and in situ. It may be recalled that this shaft of the pillar was identified to be composed of a single block of sandstone from Chunar quarries (ASI:Annula Report: 1904-05: 68). It may be mentioned that in case of a monolithic composition it is most unlikely, that only upper portion would fall from the top leaving the lower portion intact. It is more so if the composition is of sedimentary rock with longitudinal lamination formation. Because weaker zones in this case will be of longitudinal nature and horizontal breakage by natural agencies will be difficult. And if there shall be a fall of such a monolithic pillar it will be uprooted from it’s base. But, at Sarnath uprooting of the Asokan column cannot be envisaged. For the lower portion of the inscribed shaft could be retrieved in situ position, with all the working floors intact (Fig.2).
“On continuing the excavation down to the bottom of the column, a stone pavement was laid bare some 3’ below the upper concrete terrace.
Beneath the stone pavement several layers of concrete and kankar were cut through, until, at a depth of 5’8” below the upper concrete terrace, a lower floor was reached. It was found to be 15½” thick and consisted of five layers of large bricks. The size of these bricks is 16”x 11” x 2¾”. In this floor were found, embedded in their original positions, parts of six stone railing posts and two cross rails ornamented with rosettes. The fragments bear no inscription but are beautifully carved. Further down, at a depth of 17’ below the concrete terrace, the foot of the column was reached, resting on a large flat stone 8’ x 6’ x 18” (ASI: Annual Report 1904-5: 68-69).
Under the circumstances there could be only two possibilities. One that the pillar under discussion was not monolith and the other, that it was not completed. In the second case also the monolithic nature of the shaft cannot be comprehended. I am inclined to hold the later view. Closer examination of the Lion Capital indicates that the noses of the lions, which were the most projecting part of the composition did not damage in the fall (Fig.3). Instead the lower portion of the mouth received the impact and was damaged. This pattern is difficult to explain and cannot be logically be accepted as the result from a high fall. Also certain portions of the composition, particularly the neck hair of the lions are not finished, and stand in contrast to the other vise very well finished and polished surfaces of the lions (Fig. 4). Besides, in the view illustrating the excavation of the inscribed shaft portion of the Asokan pillar, along with the part of shaft seen the vertical position, three blocks lie in horizontal position in the background (ASI: Annual Report 1906-07: 71, Fig.2). These blocks have striking similarity with those found at the quarries of Chunar (Pls. VIII A.& VIII B). On account of these observations, it can logically be concluded that, the shafts of Asokan pillars, particularly of Bihar and also perhaps of Sarnath, were not monolithic (Fig.11). These were composed of placing five to six cylindrical blocks of sandstone (of about 2 meters length). The diameter of these blocks descended in size from bottom to top, to acquire tapering shape. Needless to mention that, at Chunar narrow blocks occur along with broad blocks.
It may not be difficult to comprehend that six to seven cylindrical sandstone blocks of about two meters from Chunar could have been transported through rivers, the Ganga and it’s tributaries, to the places where these pillars were to be erected. The primary dressing of the parts of the blocks to be used for the construction of a shaft was complied at the quarry itself. The light taper to these blocks were also chiseled during this process. The fine facetes appearing on the entire circumference of these cylindrical blocks, in this venture also were very apt for applying the coat. In case of the shaft, not much chiseling was to be done at the place of the erection. But, the real problem must have been the placement of one block over the other. Particularly difficult task must have been to place in position the upper blocks. But, it must be mentioned that the upper blocks are invariably narrower than the lower ones, thus less in weight. A most likely mechanism for placing the blocks one above the other was through long tapering slopes. Earthen slopes from a distance to the spot of the pillar, with a gradual rise reaching the height of the top of the earlier placed block, would serve the purpose. Over such plain the cylindrical blocks could be rolled up. For placing each of the blocks this arrangement would be required, making the entire process of the construction of the shaft a very laborious process, requiring perfect knowledge of engineering. In another alternative, the piecing together of the entire pillar, its’ coating and polishing and also engraving of epigraph, would be done on the ground in horizontal position. After completion, the structure would be erected and placed in a vertical position. As revealed from excavations at Sarnath, a deep trench of about 7’-8’ was dug in which the thickest and undressed lower part of the shaft was slipped. Only the portion above the ground was smoothened and polished. Even the second procedure would be very laborious. But, since royal machinery was involved in the erection of these pillars, it was not difficult to follow either of the two proposed systems at each of the site with perfection. It may be recalled that, at Lauriya-Nandangarh, a number of earthen barrow type of formations were found in the vicinity of the pillar area, which could be remains of one of the earthen slopes. Also, the inscription on this pillar is at considerably height (about 10 – 12 feet from the ground), which is not readable from the ground level (Jayaswal, V. 2004:44: Pl.8). And unless there was a provision to reach this height, it was unseen. The raised level with earthen heap, could have served more than one purpose in this case.
After erection, a coat of crushed sandstone with hematite palettes where applied to hide the joints and give the shaft the look of a monolith. The scanned pictures and flaked off parts of the shaft from all the studied sites, the Lauriya-nandgarh, Lauriya-Ariraj and Sarnath, clearly indicate that the cover plaster was applied over the faceted surface of the circular cross-sectioned cylinders. The polished surface, which is so typical of the lithic compositions of the Asokan times, formed part of the upper most cover of this plaster. The composition of the coat/plaster applied on these columns, for their adhesive quality and strength, which is appreciably stable is yet to be ascertained. After the application of the final coat and polishing of its’ surface, the inscriptions were engraved. Because the letters of Asokan epigraphs on the pillars are deep and incised in thick lines which pierced through the polish and the plaster.
Chiseling of the capital
The shaft of the Asokan columns is surmounted by a capital, which is a short and thick mass of sandstone. But, due to the marvel of the carving this part is one of the best examples of Indian sculptures. Carving of this part required a suitable block of sandstone, which was of good quality and appropriate dimension. Indication for special attention for the supply of such blocks is well demonstrated at Chunar. Since, the inscribed blocks marked as ¾ agathaphe, ‘the front portion of the pillar’, appear to be meant for carving of capitals of the Mauryan pillars. As when erect the capital becomes the top or the front portion of the pillars. There appears to be select quarry at Chunar hills, which were supplying blocks for the purpose. One such quarry was Quarry No. 115 with Brahmi epigraph, ¾ agathaphe. Located near the slope of the eastern part of the Chunar hill plateau, locally known as Baghauta-baba shrine (Jayaswal, V. 1998: 31 & 38), this quarry was of 240 x 60 m dimension and was strewn with 19 blocks ready to be transported, and also unfinished blocks and chiseling debris. All the finished blocks bore the above mentioned inscription. The inscribed blocks have length range of 163 to 267 cm. But, there are two, the smallest one (163 cm long) and the largest (267 cm long), which fall out side the measurement of general range. For instance, 13 blocks are of 200 to 220 cm length, while 4 have the length range of 180 to 195 cm. Similarly, there is one block which is very thick (diameter 219 cm), while the diameter range of 14 blocks is 75 to 100 cm, and 4 blocks have diameter range of 102 to 125 cm. Four of the blocks were found in side the quarry, while the other 15 were lying out side the quarry along the slope, as if these were in the process of rolling down.
A comparative review of the Lion capital and the quarried blocks reveal interesting facts. The Loin capital housed in the Sarnath museum, which was measured by Sahni (Sahni, D.R. 1972:28) and later, by this author is 210 cm long and 64 cm in diameter at it’s abacus The thickest part of this sculpture is the top from nose of one lion to the other which measures 104.9 cm. Implying that the cylindrical block of sand-stone required for carving this composition would be of at least 250 cm long and 150 cm in diameter. The above statistics of the inscribed cylindrical blocks of Chunar suggest that at least 4 out the 19 blocks were such which could fulfill the need of raw material to carve a capital of the size of four Lions composition of Sarnath. It may be mentioned that the other Mauryan Capitals in general are smaller in size than the Sarnath one and could have been carved from smaller blocks. Thus, the quarried blocks with above mentioned measurements were able to supply the desired raw material for carving of these capitals in one go.
Once the blocks were selected and ready for the transportation, the destination of these were reached through the similar process by which the other blocks for shaft were sent to the place of erection. It is only logical to presume that the final carving of the capital with intricacies was performed at the site of the proposed pillars of which these were to surmount. The sculpturing of the capital of Mauryan times in general and the Lion Capital of Sarnath in particlr, was not perhaps the result of local chiseling tradition. It appears to be performed directly under the royal diktat. Archaeological support to this presumption may be viewed from the ancient workshop site near Sarnath.
In recent archaeological discoveries around ancient settlements of Varanasi and Sarnath it was possible to identify and expose sculpture making floors at Kotwa ( Jayaswal, V. 1998: 184-210). Located on the bank of Rajapur-nala, the route of transportation of the sandstone blocks, the site has revealed a long sequence of chiseling deposits, dating between Kushana and the early medieval periods. Mauryan chiseling floor was conspicuous by its’ absence here. I have shown else where that the history of stone carving of this region as local art tradition appears to have started from the Kushan times only (Jayaswal, V. 1998: 208-210). Indicating that the stone carvers during Mauryan times were a specialized select group working directly under some strong patronage, and were not engaged in small carvings of daily utility (Jayaswal, V. 1998: 208-209). It was perhaps this reason that except for the parts of the shaft and capital of Sarnath, the remains of stone items of the Mauryan times in archaeological collections from Varanasi are negligible are almost negligible.
In the style of depiction of the theme of the Lion capital one finds combination of a number of elements. For instance, the muscular body of animals on the abacus and the anatomical details of the roaring four lions appear to convey non-Indian traditions of carving. But, such details as the mains of the lions, eyes of the animals like bull and elephant are very stylized and folk in character. For instance, it is interesting to note that the diamond shaped eyes with a dot in the middle not only characterize the above mentioned carved animals on the abacus of the Sarnath capital (Fig.12.), but the bull and elephant terracotta figurines of the Northern Black Polished Ware Culture and early centuries of the Christian era from the middle Ganga plains are also marked by these features (Jayaswal, V. & K. Krishna. 1986 : Pl. 47 & 48). These clay models certainly reflect contemporary local tradition of animal depiction between pre-Mauryan to post-Mauryan times. But, modeling of horse in clay appears to co-inside with the time of the Kushan period in the Ganga plains. Interestingly, the carving of horse figure on the Lion Capital falls apart from the local style of depiction, and have foreign appearance. A team of local stone chiselers, headed by perhaps the chief craftsman of foreign origin, appears to be at work for the creation of this composition. It was the chief craftsman, who took lead from the very initial stage to the final finishing of the capital. The palaeographic record of Chunar, in Kharoshati, is a glaring example, which mentions one such name as, Ativaosha. The others members of the team were assisting the main craftsman in various ways.
A study of sculpturing centers of Varanasi region by me is useful for the interpretation of ancient stone carvings (Jayaswal, V. & I. Singh.1993-94: 70-75). For, it was noted that, an active carving workshop is run by a team of stone chisellers, headed by the master craftsman, who is responsible for the products, right from planning of he composition to its’ final finishing. But the compositions are carved into three stages, in which five to six persons are involved. For instance, as soon as the raw material is availed, the master craftsman outlines the composition on the block of stone. The primary dressing of the form/forms is thereafter carried out by scooping out undesirable mass from the select block by two to three persons. Once the rough form is carved out the finer chiseling and details such as the fingers, hair, ornaments etc., are carefully carved by the master craftsman. The finished composition is then rubbed by a type of porous stone ( kurum patthar) by another group, mostly the younger members of the team. The rubbing is done to remove the chisel marks and provide smooth surfaces to the composition. A similar mechanism can be visualized for the carving of the Mauryan capitals also. In this case however, the surfaces of the carvings were to be treated specially as to obtain the shine/polish, for which the Asokan stone products are famous. Though attempts have been made to unveil the process of Mauryan polish, it till to day remains a mystery, and awaits an authentic explanation.
The theme of the Lion Capital
No study on Mauryan pillars is completed without a discussion on the symbolic exposition of the Lion capital of Sarnath (Fig. 3). In the archaeological records, it is mentioned that this majestic carving was discovered by Mr F.O. Oertel during the debris clearing operation in 1904, near the western wall of the main shrine at Sarnath which have been described in detail subsequently, by Marshall (ASI: Annula Report 1904-05: 69).
“The capital (vide Plate XX) measures 7’ in height. It was originally one piece of stone, but is broken across just above the bell. As the photograph shows, it is surmounted by four magnificent lions standing back to back and in their middle was a large stone wheel, the sacred dharmacakra symbol. A few fragments of the rim found near the column and the smaller wheels below the lions enable the wheel to be restored with some certainty. It apparently had 32 spokes, while the four smaller wheels below the lions have only 24 spokes. The lions stand on a drum with four animal figures carved on it, viz., a lion, an elephant, a bull, and a horse, placed between four wheels. The upper part of the capital is supported by an elegantly shaped Persepolitan bell-shaped member. The lion and other animal figures are wonderfully lifelike and carving of every detail is perfect. All together this capital is undoubtedly the finest piece of sculpture of its kind so far discovered in India”.
A whole galaxy of art historians have written on the artistic and symbolic interpretation of the Lion capital at Sarnath. The literature is vast and there are numerous explanations and interpretations. Tarun K. Biswas in an attempt to summarize the main views of historians on this issue concludes with not a very happy note, when he states that,…“ These interpretations are in most cases contradictory and at times confusing” (Biswas, T.K. 1997-98: 54). The main view points on Lion Captial of Sarnath has been briefed by him as below.
“The scholars appeared not at all unanimous in interpreting its symbols and in its artistic analysis. For instance, the wheel at the top of the pillar denotes a solar disc according to some. To others, it represents Good Law; it is taken by some as symbolizing Wheel of Law. One scholar has taken this wheel as aniconic symbol of the Buddha and its 32 spokes represent 32 Mahapurushalakshanam. There are still others who consider it as symbolizing the cycle of time, cycle of birth and rebirth and finally, according to some, it denotes simply the world conquest of Asoka.
The four addorsed lions just below this wheel, likewise, are explained in various ways. One takes them to denote the representations of four ‘Noble Truths’ which the Buddha had preached. One thinks these four lions are theriomorphic representations of the Buddha himself who with a roar preached his sermons to a huge congregation scattered to his four sides. These opened mouth lions are taken as preaching the sermons of the Master to the four cardinal points of the world. To some, they constitute a lion throne on which the Buddha, as a symbol of wheel, is shown seated.
The presence of four animals on the abacus viz., the bull, the elephant, horse and lions, likewise are endowed with a number of explanations. To some, they bear definite Buddhist association. The Buddha was born in zordic Tauras (Bull), his mother Mayadevi had a dream of a white elephant before his conception, the Gautama had his great departure riding on the back of a horse (Kanthaka) and the Buddha was called ‘Sakya Simha’, the lion among the Sakyas. To one, these animals stand for Siva, Indra, Surya and Durga. These animals can also be associated with mounts of four Jain pontiffs viz., Ajitanath, Sambhavanatha and Mahavira. These animals, according to others, stand for the four Dikpalas; Virupaksha (guardian of west), Virudhaka (guardian of south), Vaisravana (guardian of north) and Dhritarashtra (guardian of east). To some the four animals have no connection with any religion at all. They are secular and simply they are there to draw the chariots of a Chakravarti ruler. The four wheels on the abacus, since they have hubs and spindles and probably had metal caps, they simply represented the chariot wheels.
The elements at the bottom has been taken by some as a bell while some takes this element as a sacred pitcher covered with lotus petals (Purna Kumbha), it is a bell since it has a double carved contour.
Regarding its artistic estimation, scholars differ. To some capital was strongly influenced from the art of Achaemenid Persia and are related to the capital and pillars of Persepolis, Susa and Pasargardae. To others, its inspiration came from Assyria through Achaemenid Perisa. While one view is this that the shaft of the pillar was influenced from Egyptian art, the four addorsedd lions were Achaemenid in spirit while the animals on the abacus bear Hellenistic influence. To one scholar there is nothing Medo-Persian on this capital, its accent is purely Hellenistic. There are scholars who feel that alien impact if any, were Indianised and finally, there are some who think the capital was a product of purely Indian mind. Some scholars tried to connect the animals on the abacus with the animals of the seals of Indus Valley but certain scholars differ on this issue.
And what does the pillar, stand for? Is it a copy of early ‘dhvaja-stambha’ or is it a Dharmastambha or does it show the mid points of the world (axis mundi)? It is a time and space symbol or simply a symbol of universal kingship where worldly authority was idealized. With all these paradoxes, the Lion Capital remains somewhat puzzling and mysterious even today”.

The above summary indicates that each one of the depictions on the Lion capital in view of its symbolism and skill of execution has been dealt in detail by several scholars taking into account various aspects. Resulting into serious debates on all the issues. A fresh interpretative model for this composition is therefore difficult to offer. But, while going through the publications there were certain observations and impressions, which may be worthwhile to put to record.
The scholarly arguments put forward by V. S. Agrawala in his famous publication, Chakra-Dhvaja, are indeed very convincing. It has been shown by him that the theme of the composition of Asokan capital was Indian having deep roots in the pre-Mauryan socio-culture makeup of this country (Agrawala, V.S. 1964). The illustrative example of the pillars surmounted by four lions or elephants shown to be worshiped in the carvings of the Sunga-Satvahana times, at Bharhut, Sanchi and Amravati, also support the presumption that, the Chakra-dhavaja and dhvaja-sthambha with four lions supporting the Dharma-chakra was a popular composition under worship during the early historical period. The numerous depiction of this composition during the post-Mauryan times, may also suggest that it was some sort of popular composition, which was part of folk ritual or worship practice.
It has also been shown by V. S. Agrawala that the worship of Chakra was not only confined to one religion, but had much wider acceptance embracing perhaps almost all main religious practices of early India. For instance, he categorically writes that, “From the point of view of Meaning (artha) the Chakaradhvaja with its elaborate symbolism is pregnant almost with epic contents and represents in a full and effective manner the soul of India as reflected in the Vedic, Jaina and Buddhist traditions over many centuries in the silent and joyous consciousness of the people” (Agrawala, V.S. 1964: 7-8). It appears, therefore, logical to presume that when the emperor Asoka had decided to select the theme for the capital of the pillars to be installed at important places, like Sarnath, he might have thought of such symbols which had wider acceptance. And the theme of the Lion Capitals of Saranth and Sanchi was one, which had potentialities to convey a number of prominent aspects of his religious convictions and faith through such an expression which was familiar to the masses.
The four animals ¾ the elephant, horse, bull and lion, ¾ depicted on the abacus of the Lion Capital of Sarnath have been interpreted in various ways (Biswas, T.K. 1997-98). But in course of going through the contents of the V th Pillar Edicts of Asoka, one finds that the emperor shows much concern for the protection and well being of birds and animals (Hultzsch, E. 1969:127-128). In Delhi-Topra Pillar Edict , for instance, one finds such verdicts as :
“…the following animals were declared by me inviolable viz. parrots, mainas, the aruna, ruddy geese, wild geese” “bulls set at liberty, … all the quadrupeds which are neither useful nor edible”..”Forest must not be burnt either uselessly or in order to destroy (living beings)”.
“Living animals must not be fed with (other) living animals.
“..On three Chaturmasis (and) on festivals, bulls must not be castrated, …during the fortnight of (every) Chaturmasi, horse (and) bullocks must not be branded”.
The concern of the monarch for the well being of the birds and animals in the inscriptions forms part of his concept of morality and religion. It is therefore, likely that the depiction of these on the abacus of the pillar capitals was to express his strong feeling for the welfare and protection of non-human beings, as well. It may be recalled that on the abacus of the capital at Rampurva, geese have been carved in series, which might indicate that through the propagation of amhinsa Asoka was protecting the life of the birds which were being killed for food. Likewise the depiction of four animals on the Sarnath Lion Capital intercepted by wheels, may suggest that Asoka was preventing cruelty of all kinds of animals, domesticated (represented by the elephant, bull and horse) and wild (represented by the lion) as part of his religious policy.

III
Conclusions
On account of the above facts and discussions it may be held with confidence that the stone used for the Mauryan columns were obtained from the hills of Chunar. Such statements as, ¾ … “ It can no longer be confidentally asserted that the pillars, …were all quarried at Chunar, near Varanasi” (Harle, J.C. 1986:22), have lost grounds in the light of new archaeological findings of sandstone quarries at Chunar, and their comparison with the Asokan columns of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
The quarries at Chunar, in every probability were owned by the state, and thus, were thoughtfully utilized for obtaining suitable block of stones. Sandstone beds of the Chunar plateau, were first tapped and tested. After location of suitable formation, large blocks were extracted. About one to two meters sandstone blocks were extracted from these quarries. The blocks when extracted were of rectangular shape. But, were given cylindrical shape, subsequently, by chiseling the circumference right inside the parent quarry. And before rolling out were engraved with the name of the main craftsman who had selected it, or the part of the pillar it was meant to be used for. The blocks thereafter, were rolled out of the quarry and the hill top following the slopes and depressions. Reaching the river Ganga, these were navigated to the place of chiseling. In case of utility at Varanasi and Sarnath the sandstone blocks were transported to the chiseling workshop with the help of tributary streams of Ganga, like Rajapur-nala, which could reach these even up to Saranath, where the famous pillar surmounted by the Lion Capital was to be erected.
Ray’s assumption, that, …“ there was at or near Chunar an art-centre established and patronized directly by the Maurya court” (Ray, N.R. 1968: 508) appears to be partly correct. Since the evidence at Chunar demonstrates, that it was basically a stone resource area, which was state owned. The initial chiseling of the blocks was also performed here. But, the final chiseling and finishing of the pillars appear to have been executed at or near the sites where the composition was to be installed. A team of carvers appears to have been moving from one to the other sites in order to give final shape to the pillars. A workshop based model for Mauryan pillars does not look convincing, both in the light of the archaeological remains and also when the team was at work directly under the guidance of the king.
My observations also lead to the same presumption, which was suggested by Ray that the carving of the Mauryan columns was under the patronage of the court/monarch. Since the majestic carving of the Asokan columns, which includes skill of chiseling, engineering of transportation and erection, technological expertise of the polishing/coating of the entire surface of the pillars, dotting a vast stretch of land under occupation of the Mauryan rule does suggest royal patronage for the construction of these monuments. The use of Kharoshti and Brahmi scripts on the blocks of Chunar, further indicate that the carvers’ teams comprised both, the craftsmen of foreign origin, and the local craftsmen. Induction of foreign craftsmen in the team is another facet of royal patronage, which can afford to bring skilled craftsmen from far distant places.
The occurrence of Kharoshti inscription of the Asokan times at Chunar is very significant discovery throwing light on the pillar making process. Since this evidence reopens the debate whether the large scale stone chiseling initiated during Mauryan period was an indigenous innovation or was a borrowing from the west. It is well known that the nucleus region for the use of Kharoshti script was the north-western part of this sub-continent. In the rest of the regions Brahmi was prevalent during the time of Asoka. In and around Varanasi and Chunar it was Brahmi script which conveyed message of the Mauryan king. As is evident from the Rock Edict of Ahraura (Narain, A.K. & M.S. Shukla. 1969: 79-81) and pillar inscription of Sarnath (Sahani, D. R. 1914: 24). The Kharoshti epigraph discovered in the quarries of Chunar hills, thus is an exceptional example. Read as Ativaoshas and characterized by Asokan paleography this inscribed label appears to be the name of a craftsman (the master stone cutter), who was more conversant with the Kharoshti script, and was foreigner to this region, where Brahmi script was in use.
The practice for bringing craftsman to a specific centre or township, in view to develop art and craft is common practice in carving operations. The survey of sculpture making centres of Varanasi, by me could record that the fame and expertise of Jaipur style of stone carving and icon making of present day was responsible for importing master craftsmen to the city of Varanasi from Jaipur (Jayaswal V. & I. Singh. 1993-94), which being a religious settlement requires icons in large quantities. In such a mechanism the local stone cutters work as assisting team to the immigrant master craftsman. And the entire responsibility for the composition and final product of carving is that of the master craftsman.
It may be recalled that there is no evidence for the use of stone for art and building in large quantities in the Ganga valley prior to the time of Asoka. With the only exception of the recent finds from Harappan site like Dhaulavira, it may be conjectured that India had no tradition of stone quarrying and chiseling of large scale, prior to the Third Century B.C. “On the other hand there was long history of working on stone for building purpose in the neighbouring western countries particularly in Iran” (Godard, A. 1965). It may therefore be logical to conclude that when the Mauryan king decided to use stone for monument building, he might have invited some experts and technical hands from the west.
The theme of the Lion Capital of Sarnath, however was, in every likely hood, indigenous. One of the popular compositions of worship, the Chakra-stambha, was adopted by the patron as the theme, with a view that it will have wide acceptance by the masses. Translation of the select theme in stone was another prominent decision by the monarch. The Chakra-stambha, which were being produced in wood prior to the Mauryan period, would have provided experience for carving of the proposed composition to the indigenous craftsmen. Even in such circumstances, a king of the caliber and power of Asoka, who was initiating the erection of these massive stone monuments may like to invite foreign artists to execute the work, in view to achieve height of excellence. Ethnographical instances suggest that it is the reputation of an art/or craft centre which promotes such mechanism, not always the in experience of local artisans. When the patron is rich and wants to associate the reputation of some particular centre with the workshop he is utilizing, master craftsman/chiseller may be invited for the purpose. A team comprising foreign and indigenous artists, therefore shall produce composition which will reflect acculturation of two different sculpturing traditions. It was also mentioned earlier that in the Lion Capital of Sarnath one notices, the naturalistic depiction of animal anatomy on one hand and the local folk tradition of carving some of the parts of animals on the other. It may be recalled that throughout it’s history, India has shown admirable capacity to adopting various technologies and skills to enhance further, her already rich culture traditions, so that it could reach the peak of creativity many a times. Mauryan carving particularly seen in the composition and exposition of the Lion capital of Sarnath, demonstrates that when two or more art traditions blend in perfect harmony, it result in the creation of such master pieces which throw open the national boundaries to embrace the universe and, thus, become very significant part of the cultural heritage of mankind.
References
Agrawala, V.S. 1964. The Wheel Flag of India CHAKRA-DHVAJA (Being a History and Exposition of the Meaning of the Dharma-Chakra and the Saranth Lion Capital) Varanasi.
Agrawala, V.S. 1965. Indian Art (History of Indian Art from the earliest times
upto the third century A.D.) Varanasi: 93-110.
Gordard, A. 1965. The Art of Iran (Translation from French by Michael Hero).
London.
Biwas, T.K. 1997-08. ‘Sarnath Lion Capital : Its Historians’. Citi-Vithika. Vol.3.Nos. 1-2.(Ed. G.C. Pande). Allahabad Museum. Allahabad.
Harle, J.C. 1986. The Art and Architecture of the Indian Subcontinent. The Pelican History of Art. Middlesex.
Hultzsch, E. 1969 (Reprinted) Inscriptions of Asoka: Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. Vol. I. (1924). Indological Book House, Varanasi.
Jayaswal, V. 1998. From Stone Quarry to Sculpturing Workshop: A Report on the Archaeological Investigations around Chunar, Varanasi & Sarnath. Delhi.
Jayaswal, V. 2004. ‘Asokan Pillars : Medium, Chiseling & Composition” The Anand-Vana of Indian Art : Dr. Anand Krishna Felicitation Volume. (Eds. Naval Krishna & Manu Krishna). Indica Books. Varanasi: 35-46.
Jayaswal, V. & K. Krishan. 1986. An Ethno-Archaeological View of Indian Terracottas:( A Comparative Study of the Present and Past Terracotta Traditions of Gangetic Plains) . Agam Kala Prakashan. Delhi.
Jayaswal, V. & I. Singh. 1993-94. ‘ Sculpturing Processes: A Study of Past & Present’. Bharati. Bulletin of the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culutre & Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University. Vol.20. Pts I & II: 70-75.
Kangle, R.P. 1992. (Reprint). The Kautilya Arthshatra. Pts. I-III {First Edition Bombay University, 1965}. Motilal Banarasidas. Delhi.
Marshall, J. 1922. The Monuments of Ancient India. The Cambridge History of India, Vol. I.
Marshall J . 1990 (Reprint). “Excavations at Sarnath”. Archaeological Survey of India Annual Report 1904-5. Swati Publications. Delhi.
Marshall J & S. Konow. 1990 (Reprint). “Sarnath”. Archaeological Survey of India Annual Report 1906-7. Swati Publications. Delhi.
Mookerji, R.K. 1968. ‘Asoka the Great’. The Age of Imperial Unity :The History and Culture of the Indian people. Vol. II. BharatiVidya Bahvan. Bombay. (Fourth Edition): 71-90.
Narain, A.K. & M.S. Shukla. 1969. Prachin Bhartiya Abhilekha-Sangrah (Hindi). Part I. Monograph of the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture & Archaeology. BHU. Varanasi.
Pant P.C. & V. Jayaswal. 1990. ‘Ancient Stone Quarries Raw Material for Sculpture and Architecture’. Marg. A Magazine of Arts. Vol. XLII. No.1. National Center for Performing Arts. Bombay: 59-61.
Ray, N.R. 1968. ‘Mauryan Art’. The Age of Imperial Unity :The History and
Culture of the Indian people. Vol. II. Bharati Vidya Bahvan. Bombay. (Fourth Edition): 71-90.
Ray, N. 1975. Mauryan and Post Mauryan Art. Delhi.
Sahni, D. R. 1972 (Reprinted). Catalogue of the Museum of Archaeology at Sarnath. Indological Book House, Delhi. (Earlier edition. Calcutta. 1914).
Sahni, D. 1933. Guide to the Buddhist Ruins at Sarnath. Calcutta.
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Illustrations
Fig. 1 View of the inscribed portion of the shaft of the Asokan column during exacavation.
Fig. 2: View of the base of the inscribed pillar, Sarnath.
Fig. 3: Lion capital with damages, Sarnath.
Fig. 4: Close view of the mains of the lion.
Fig. 5 : View of blocks lying in the area of erection, at the western side of the temple, Sarnath.
Fig. 6: View of quarried blocks at Chunar.
Fig. 7: Ancient Quarry with inscribed blocks of Mauryan period, Chunar hill.
Fig. 8: Map of ancient quarry areas of Chunar and sites of Varanasi.
Fig. 9: Mauryan pillar, Vaisali.
Fig. 10: Lower portion of the shaft at Lauriya-Nandangarh.
Fig. 11: Close up view of the inscribed shaft of Asokan pillar, Sarnath..
Fig. 12: Close up view of portrait of the bull on the abacus.

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IIAS Art Seminar